




T.irh. h<, R Wph^r k rii.3alLLm.0TL. 



HISTOHY OF THE WAR 



BETWEEN 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 



WITH A PRELIMINARY VIEW OF ITS ORIGIN; 



BY 



BRANTZ MAYER, 



FORMERLY SECRETARY OF THE UNITED STATES LEGATION IN' MF-XIlO, 
AND AUTHOR OF "MEXICO AS IT WAS AND AS IT IS." 



Ne dites a la posterite que ce qui est digne de la posterite. — Voltaire. 



NEW YORK & LONDON. 

WILEY AND PUTNAM 



MDCCCXLVIII. 



Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1847, by 

BRANTZ MAYER, 

in the Clerk's office of the District Court for the District of Maryland. 






BOOK FIRST : 



PRELIMINARY VIEW OF THE ORIGIN 



OF THE WAR. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR 



BETWEEN 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES, 



B O O K I . 



CHAPTER 1. 

Introductory views of Mexico— The people and government. 

The war which broke out between the United States of 
North America and the Mexican Repiibhc, in the spring of 
1846, is an event of great importance in the history of the 
world. Profound peace had reigned among Christiavi na- 
tions, since the downfall of Napoleon ; and, with the excep- 
tion of internal discords in France, Belgium, Poland and 
Greece, tlie civilized world had cause to believe that man- 
kind would henceforth resort to the cabinet rather than the 
field for the settlement of international disputes. The re- 
cent conflicts between the French and the Arabs in Algeria, 
and between the British and Indian races, have been cha- 
racterized by ferocity and endurance. But, it will be recol- 
lected these encounters took place between nations unequal 
alike in religion, morals, law, and civilization. The tem- 
per or character of Mahomedans was not to be measured 
by that of Christians nor had we just reason to hope for a 



HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

pacific or temporizing spirit in people whose savage habits 
have aver rendered them prompt to return invasion by a 
blow, and make war the precursor of negotiation. It 
was, thus, reserved for the Mexicans, whose blood is mixed 
with that of an Arab ancestry, to exhibit the spectacle of 
continual domestic broils, and, latterly of a positive warfare 
against a nation whose friendly hand was the first to summon 
them into the pale of national independence. 

The disorganized condition of our neighbor for nearly 
thirty years, may, partly account for and palliate this 
fault. With administrations shifting like the scenes of a 
drama, and with a stage, at times dyed with blood, and at 
others imitating the mimic passions and transports of the real 
theatre, it may be confessed that much should be pardoned 
by a forbearing nation whose aggregate intelligence and force 
are not to be compared with the fragmentary and impulsive 
usurpations in Mexico. To judge faithfully of the justice or 
injustice of this war, and to comprehend this history in truth 
and fairness, we must not only narrate in chronological order 
the simple events that occurred between the two nations ; but 
the student of this epoch must go back a step in order to 
master the scope and motives of the war. He must study 
the preceding Mexican history and character; and, it will 
speedily be discovered that when he attempts to judge the 
Spanish republics by the ordinary standards applied to free 
and enlightened governments, he will signally fail in arriv- 
ing at truth. He must neither imagine that when the name 
of Republic was engrafted on the Mexican system, that 
it accommodated itself at once to our ideal standard of 
political power, nor that the dominant faction was willing to 
adopt the simple machinery which operates so perfectly in 
the United States. There are many reasons why this should 
not be the case. The Spanish race, although it has achieved 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 7 

the most wonderful results in discovery, conquest, colonial 
settlement, diplomacy, feats of arms, and success of domestic 
power, has proved itself, within the present century, to be 
one of the few opponents of the progressive principles of our 
age. A Castilian pride of remembered greatness, and a su- 
perstitious reluctance to cast off the bondage of the past, 
have made the Spaniards content to cling devotedly to their 
ancient edifice without bestowing on it those repairs or im- 
provements without which governments, must evidently 
crumble and decay. Spain beheved that what had pro- 
duced national power and greatness in one age must ever 
continue to effect the same results, and, thus, she was 
content to bear the evils of the present time rather than 
disjoint a fragment of her ancient temple, lest the whole 
should fall in indiscriminate ruin. The blindness of 
national vanity was made more profound by the universal 
glare of progressive civilization that surrounded this doomed 
country, whilst superstitious influences clogged every avenue 
to progress which might have saved and regenerated both 
the parent and her colonies. 

It may be urged by the apologists for Spain, that, being 
nearly as deep in moral, political and social degradation as 
France was at the period of the revolution, she naturally 
contemplated such an event with horror, especially when 
she remembered the sensitive and excitable race that peo- 
pled her vallies and sierras, and the likelihood that the bloody 
dramas of Paris would be frightfully exaggerated in Madrid. 
But I still believe that the true cause will be found more 
deeply seated, in the nature of the people; and that Spain, — 
made up as she is of many nations, incompetent for self- 
government, uneducated and bigoted, — will ever be content 
to find her ideal future in her traditionary past. 

Spain and the Spaniards have few more zealous admirers 



S HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

than the author of this history. The nation contains in- 
dividuals who in patriotism, love of liberty, and devotion to 
science, literature, and art, are unsurpassed by any people 
of the world. As Americans we owe a debt of gratitude to 
the noble discoverers and conquerors of this continent. In 
deeds of bravery, in chivalrous enterprise, and in intellectual 
power, with what people may they not be matched in their 
perfect period. But their golden age has passed, and mani- 
fold corruptions in church and state have preyed upon the 
country with paralyzing influence. 

For a long time we received from England with the sub- 
missive credulity of children, all her traditionary ignorance 
and abuse of Spain, much of which was owing to political 
animosity, as well as to the rivalry that grew up between 
that country and the rest of Europe during the reign of 
Philip the second. But the study of her language, history 
and literature, has unveiled the legendary falsehoods with 
which we were cheated. Whilst a large portion of her past 
history should be admired and lauded, her present downfall 
should be regarded with compassionate censure and sympa- 
thy. We should endeavor, in writing history, to make our- 
selves men of the times and nations we describe, and it is in 
this manner alone, that we can establish the spiritual sym- 
pathy between ourselves and foreign countries, which will 
enable us to enter into their feelings and motives, and thus 
become not only merciful but true and discreet judges. 

The two great impressions made on this continent by the 
Spaniards were in Mexico and Peru. Avarice and ambition 
induced the conquest of the latter, while that of Mexico may 
also be attributed to the same motives, although the hero 
who added the Aztec empire to tlie Spanish dominions, 
modified his victories by personal qualities which were infi- 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 9 

nitely superior to those of the conqueror of Peru.* Yet, m 
neither of these great adventures do we find any of the fruits 
of peaceful acquisition, or of those well regulated advances 
in civilization which always mark a people whose conquest 
is undertaken under the immediate direction and legal re- 
straints of government. The conquests in America were, in 
truth, chiefly individual enterprises, and, of course, could not 
be conducted in a spirit of temperance and justice. The 
exploits of Cortez and Pizarro, especially those of the latter, 
are characterized by ferocity and barbarism which would 
place them in the category with freebooters and bucaneers, 
were they not saved from it by the splendor of their success- 
ful results. The Indians of the countries they subjected to 
Spain, were utterly vanquished; yet, unlike the hardy and 
warlike aborigines of the north, they remained on their na- 
tive soil, content to serve or mingle with their conquerors. — 
Wherever the white man came at the north, the Indian re- 
treated to his congenial wilderness; — he could not inhabit 
the same countiy or breathe the same air with the intruder; — 
but, as the Spaniard advanced at the south, the semi-civili- 
zation of the enervated native, induced him to linger near 
the homes of his ancestors, and, with a tame heart, to obey 
his conqueror rather than to resist him or enjoy the fierce in- 
dependence of the forest. 

The territory thus seized by violence was held by fear. — 
Loyalty can never be the tenure of conquerors, and, especi- 
ally, of the conquerors of an inferior race. The Spaniard 
and Indian lived together in a spirit of lordly dominion on 
the one hand, and of crushed dependence on the other, 
whilst the Castihari derived from the native nothing but his 
habits of savage life, and the Indian, in turn, learned noth- 
ing from the Castilian but his vices. 

* See Prescott's Conquest of Peru, 2nd vol. pages 199: 245. 

2 



10 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

A conquest thus achieved, an empire founded in blood 
and tenor, would naturally seem to have a doubtful des- 
tiny. It is unquestionably true that Spain made humane 
laws, and that Charles the Fifth passed a decree by which 
his American possessions were declared to be integral parts 
of the Spanish kingdom. It is true, moreover, that he 
sought to abolish the special grants to discoverers and con- 
querors by which they were invested with almost absolute 
authority; and, by mitigating the system repartiniientos* 
or of vassalage among the Indians, to raise them to the dig- 
nity of Spanish subjects. But, at the same time, these 
humane laws were badly administered in a country so diffi- 
cult of access as America was at that period from Spain ; and 
viceroys and governors acted as they pleased, with but little 
regard to the people or the country, except for their individual 
interests. Whilst this system of maladministration made the 
royal and beneficent laws nugatory, Spain seems to have 
been engaged in creating a colonial system which was cal- 
culated to paralyze the energies of Mexico and Peru. 
She taught them to look exclusively to mining for wealth, 
and to their Indians for labor. All the laws relative to the 

* The word repartimiento means, division, partition, distribution, or ap- 
portionment. In the old Spanish historians and English books, such as 
Zarate,Garcilasso de la Vega, Fernandez, Robertson, it is uniformly used 
to denote the well known allotment of lands and vassal Indians (genuine 
adscripti glcbce) granted to the first conquerors in reward of their services. 
In some later writers, this word is applied to the monopoly of sales to the 
hulians exercised by the con-egedores, under pretext of protecting the In- 
dians from imposition, by the official distribution of goods. N. A. Review, 
vol. XX. p. 287. 

"Indeed the Spanish court made no scruple of regarding the Indians in 
the same light as the beasts and the soil, disposing of them as the rightful 
property of the crown ; for it was not till 1537, nearly fifty years after the 
discovery, that the Pope issued a mandate declaring them to be really and 
truly men, — "ipsosveros homines,'''' — and capable of receiving the Chris- 
tian faith." N. A. Review, vol. xix. p. 198. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 11 

natural development of a new country were disregarded, 
and civilized existence in America began on artificial prin- 
ciples. The example of the last fifty years has proved that 
America is capable of producing all the necessaries, and most 
of the luxuries of life quite as abundantly as Europe. Yet, 
Spain denied her colonies the privilege of an effort. For in- 
stance, — she resolved at the outset not to allow them to be 
independent in agriculture, commerce or manufactures. 
She would not permit them to cultivate the soil save for 
the merest daily necessaries. Wine and oil were to be made 
in the old world. Cotton and wool were not to be woven 
into the beautiful fabrics for v/hich the ancient Peruvians 
were so celebrated. The church aided the strong arm of 
government by the weight of her exactions and the power of 
superstitious control. The Inquisition put its veto on the 
spread of knowledge by restraining the sale and publica- 
tion of books. Foreigners were not allowed to navigate 
Spanish seas or enter American harbors. And these distant 
shores were only visited at stated seasons by national ves- 
sels, cariying such produce at exorbitant prices, as Spain 
might think proper to despatch from Seville or Cadiz.* 

I have thought it proper to state in my introductory chap- 
ter, thus much of the laws and system under which Mexico 
began her national existence ; — for laws modify the charac- 
ter whenever they are not self-imposed. Let us now, for a 
moment consider the population which was subjected to the 
bad administration of such laws; and we shall then under- 
stand better the character of the belligerents. 

The blood of the Spaniards, even at home, is a mixed 

*The American trade was confined to Seville until 1720, when it was 
removed to Cadiz, as a more convenient port. On the subject of these 
oppressions and misgovernment, see Zavala's " Revoluciones de Mexico," 
Introduction ; — and North American Review, vol. xx. p. 158. 



12 



HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 



blood. But when we remember the various races that have 
overrun, resided in, ruled, and incorporated themselves with 
Spain, we cannot be surprised at detecting so many and 
diverse characteristics in Mexico. The Celti-gallic, Celt- 
Iberian, Carthagenian, Roman, Vandalic, Visigothic, and 
Moorish blood have mingled again in Mexico and Peru with 
the Indian, and in some cases have been dashed even with 
the Negro.* Mexicans are thus, as I have observed else- 



* The subjoined list shows the varieties of parentage and blood form- 
ing the castes throughout Spanish America : 

Parents. 

European whites are called gachupines or 

[chapetones. 

Whites, born in llie colonies, are called Creoles. 



( White. . 

1. Original races ? Negro. 

( Indian. 

Parents. 



Children. 



2. Castes of White race. 



White father and Negro mother. .Mulatto. 



WTiite 
White 
White 



Indian 

Mulatta 

Meztiza 



White '■' 


" China " 


White " 


" (iuarterona 


White « 


" Quintera " 



. .Mestizo. 

..Uuarteron. 

. .Creole, (only distinguisha- 
ble from the white 
by a pale brown 
complexion.) 

..Chino- bianco. 

..Quintero. 

..White. 



Negro father and Mulatta motlier.Zambo-negro. 



Negro 
Negro 
3. Castes of Negro race.-! Negro 



Negro 



" Meztiza " 
" China " 
« Zamba « 

" Quarterona ) 
orduintera 5 ' 

Indian father and Negro mother. 



4. Castes of Indian race. 



Indian 
Indian 

Indian 
Indian 
Indian 

Indian 



Mulatta " 
Mestiza " 

China " 
Zamba " 
China-chola 

Quarterona ) 
or Quintera S 



. .Mulatto-oscuro. 
. . Zambo-chino. 
, . Zambo & Negro (perfectly 
black.) 

..dark Mulatto. 

.Chino. 
.Chino-oscuro. 
.Mestizo-claro (often very 
beautiful.) 
.Chino-cholo. 
. Zambo-claro. 
.Indian (with short-frizzly 
hair.) 

.brown Meztizo. 



( Mulatto father and Zamba mother.. Zambo (a miserable race.) 
5. Mulatto corruptions. < Mulatto " " Zamba " ..Chino (rather clear race.) 
(Mulatto " " China " ..Chino (rather dark.) 

Besides these specified castes there are many others not distinguished by- 
particular names. The best criterion for judging is the hair of the women 



• MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 13 

where, grafts rather of the wild Arab on the American In- 
dian, than of the Spanish Don on the noble Aztec* 

When Mexico was completely conquered and emigration 
began to fill up the land, the soil was divided, in large estates, 
among the adventurers and the Indians, by a system of re- 
partiamentos, were apportioned to the land holders.f This 
created an absolute vassalage, and bound the Indian, virtu- 
ally and forever, to the spot where he was born. As it 
became wearisome to the planters to dwell in the seclu- 
sion of these vast and lonely estates, they left them and 
their Indians to the care of an administrador^ and retreated 
to the chief cities of the provinces or to the capital. Thus 
all the intelligence and cultivation of Mexico became com- 
pacted in the towns, whilst the original ignorance and semi- 
civilization remained diffused over the country. It is, there- 
fore, not at all surprising to find that out of a popula- 
tion of seven millions, four millions are Indians and only 
one million purely white, while more than two millions, 
of the rest, are zambos, mestizos and mulattos. Nor is it 
singular that of this whole population of seven millions, not 
more than six hundred thousand whites and eighty thousand 
of other castes, can read and write.J 

Indeed it may be said with truth, — as agriculture has re- 
ceived but little attention beyond the ordinary wants of life, 

which is infinitely less deceiving than the complexion. The short woolly 
hair, or the coarse Indian locks may always be detected on the head or 
back of the neck. This tabular statement exhibits at a glance the mon- 
grel corruptions of the human race in Spanish America, and forms an 
interesting subject for students of physiology. See Tschudi's Peru, p. 80, 
Am. Ed. 

* Preface to 3d Ed. of Mexico as it was and as it is, p. 12. 
t Zavala's " Revoluciones de Mexico," vol. 1. p. 15, gives an account of 
the manner in which estates are divided in Mexico. 
X See Mexico as it was and as it is, p. 301. 



14 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

and as the great proprietors of estates have chiefly devoted 
their attention to the raising of cattle^ — that tlie ancient 
nomadic habits of the Indian and half-breed, have re- 
mained unchanged, and, consequently, that the great body 
of this semi-civilized people is quite as much at home on 
horseback with sword and lance as in the corral or haci- 
enda.* 

The Ranchero, who has played so conspicuous a part in 
this war, is the natural offspring of such a state of society. 
This class of men is composed of individuals, half Spanish 
half Indian, who resemble the gauchos of the South Ameri- 
can Pampas. Gaunt, shrivelled and bronzed by exposure, 
though hardy and muscular from athletic exercise, they are, 
indeed, the Arabs of our continent. Living half the time in 
their saddles, for they are matchless horsemen, they traverse 
the plains and mountains, with lassof in hand, either search- 
ing for, or tending their herds. The slaughter of beasts and 
preparation and sale of hides is their chief means of liveli- 
hood, varied occasionally by the cultivation of a small patch 
of ground, or by taking part in the civil wars that are al- 
ways waging. Their costume generally consists of a pair of 
tough leggings of skin and leathern trousers, over which is a 
serape or blanket, with a hole in the centre large enough for 
the head to pass tlirough, whence it falls in graceful folds over 
the chest and shoulders, leaving room for the play of hands 
and arms. Add to this a broad sombrero^ and the lasso, hang- 
ing ready for use at his saddle bow, and the reader will have 

* Corral signifies cattle yard; hacienda, plantation; rancho, small farm. 

"f The lasso is a long rope, with a running noose at the end of it. The 
Mexicans learn to fling this with great accuracy so as to catch a bull, a 
horse, or a man with equal facility. All classes have some skill in the use 
of this weapon, and I have seen children, with cords, attempting to lasso 
chickens and even butterflies ! 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 15 

a picture of the ranchero as he appears in peace or in the 
ordinary pursuit of his occupation. Join to this garb a long 
sabre, a horse as savage and untamed as himself, and a belt 
plentifully studded with pistols and machetes^ and the ran- 
chero presents himself ready either to join a troop of banditti, 
or to serve in a body of cavalry. 

Cowardly as they generally are in the open field when 
encountering regular troops, yet, in ambuscade, a sudden 
fight, or, as guerillas, they are both a formidable and cruel 
foe. Their power of endurance is inexhaustible. Fatigue 
is almost unknown to them, and a scanty meal, each day, of 
jerked beef and corn or plantain, is sufficient to sustain them 
on the longest marches. 

Such are the rancheros, who, by discipline, might be ren- 
dered the best light troops in the world. These are the men 
who form the material of the Mexican cavalry; and they 
bear the same relation to the armies of that republic that the 
Cossacks do to the Russians; — ever on the alert, — easily 
lodged, — capable of supporting fatigue or hunger, — and un- 
tiring in pursuit of an enemy, when even the most trifling 
plunder is to be obtained.* 

Another large and formidable body in Mexico is that of 
the Indians, amounting, as we have seen, to four millions ; 
whose knowledge of their governors' language is generally 
confined to such phrases as will enable them to buy and 
sell, or perform the ordinary functions of life. Formerly 
they lived, and usually still live, in narrow huts built of mud, 
thatched with straw or palm leaves, and which have scarcely 
the merit of being picturesque. In these miserable lairs, they 
nestle with their families, their domestic animals, and a table 
or aliar on which they erect a cross or place the figure of 

*See Head's Rough Notes of a Journey over the Pampas. The Mexican 
ranchero is somewhat superior to the gaucho of the Pampas. 



16 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

a patron saint. Their food is mostly maize, and their 
dress corresponds with this grovelhng wretchedness. Five 
out of every hundred may perhaps possess two suits of 
clothes, but their general vesture consists of a large cotton 
shirt, a pair of leatheren trousers, and a blanket. Even the 
Indian women, who elsewhere, like their sex in civilized 
countries, are always fond of personal adornment, exhibit no 
desire to appear decent or to rival each other in tasteful 
ornaments when they go abroad. They are as foul and ill- 
clad on their festivals at church, as in their hovels at home, 
so that few things are more disgusting to a foreigner than to 
mingle in an Indian crowd.* It is impossible to imagine 
such a population capable of becoming landed proprietors ; 
and, consequently, we find them contented with the annual 
product of their small fields, amounting, perhaps, to thirty 
or fifty fanegas of corn. When they live on the large es- 
tates of Mexican proprietors, they are, in reality, vassals, 
although free from the nominal stain of slavery.f On 
these plantations they are beaten when they commit faults, 
and, if then found incorrigible, are driven beyond their 
limits, — a punishment deemed by them the severest that can 
be inflicted, and which they bear with as much difficulty as 
our Indians do their banishment from the " hunting grounds" 
of their forefathers. When they have gained a little money 
by labor, they hasten to squander it by making a festival 
in honor of their favorite saint, and thus consume their 
miserable earnings in gluttony, gambling, masses, fire works, 
and drunkenness. When it is not absolutely necessary to 
toil for the necessaries of life, — especially in the tierras cali- 
entes, or warmer portions of Mexico, — they pass their time 

* Mexico as it was and is, p. 144. 

fid. p. 201 ; and see Stephens' Travels in Yucatan, — where, he says, the 
maxim is that "los Indies no oyen sino por las nalgas," — the Indians only 
hear through their backs. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 17 

in Utter idleness or sleep. Zavala declares that in many 
portions of the country, the curates maintain such entire do- 
minion over the Indians, that they order them to be publicly 
whipped whenever they fail to pay their oveiiciones, or tri- 
butes, at the regular time, or commit some act of personal 
disobedience. But the degradation of this class does not 
stop even here, for the same author alleges that he has fre- 
quently seen many Indians and their wives flogged at the 
village church door, because they had failed to come to 
mass upon some Sunday or festival, whilst, after the pun- 
ishment, these wretches were obliged to kiss the hand of the 
executioner! * 

It will be seen from this sketch and description that the 
vicious colonial system of Spain formed only two great 
classes in America, — the proprietor and the vassal, — and that, 
in the nature of things, it was utterly impossible for the latter 
to amalgamate with the former except by creating an inferior 
race, whose sympathiecj were with the IntliaQ rather than the 
Spaniard, and whose type is the nomadic ranchero. This 
fact was proved in the revolution which broke out in Spanish 
America. The war cry was against the Spaniardf and his 

*Zavala Revoluciones de Mejico, vol. i, pp. 15, 16. " Este escandalo 
estaba autorizado por la costumbre de mi provincia." Zavala was one of 
the v/isest and most illustrious patriots of Mexico. His History was pub- 
lished in Paris in 1831. 

fit will be recollected that the outburst of the Mexican revolution was 
not in favor of republicanism ; but only against misgovernment. It was not 
against the/o?-ni of rule, but against the nitn who ruled. Even the plan of 
Iguala offered the crown of Mexico to Ferdinand, as a separate kingdom. 
See Robinson's Memoirs of the Mexican Revolution. 

" It is related that Hidalgo, the celebrated priestly leader of the revolu- 
tionary movement, was accustomed to travel from village to village preach- 
ing a crusade against the Spaniards, exciting the Creoles and Indians ; and 
one of his most effective tricks is said to have been the following. Al- 
though he had thrown off the cassock for the military coat, he wore a figure 
of the Virgin Mary suspended by a chain around his neck. After harangu- 

3 



18 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

pine descendants. The creole^ rose against tlie gachupin,f 
and the ferocity with which the soldiers of old Spain carried 
on the war against the natives confirmed their hereditaiy 
animosity. 

The struggle for domestic power commenced as soon as the 
independence of Mexico was achieved, and the people began 
to establish a system of government upon a republican basis 
after the downfall of the Emperor Iturbide. The Spaniards 
had taught a lesson of privileged classes which was never 
forgotten ; so that, when the revolution took place, the 
PEOPLE were only used to effect national emancipation rather 
than to establish general political liberty. 

The nobles or great proprietors, and the clergy, had, in the 
olden time, formed the influential class of society which ruled 
the land. The theory of republicanism was marvellously 

ing the mob on such occasions, he v/ould suddenly break off, and looking 
down at his breast, address himself to the holy image, after the following 
fashion : ' Mary ! Mother of God ! Holy Virgin ! Patron of Mexico ! be- 
hold our country, — behold our wrongs, — ^behold our sufferings ! Dost thou 
not wish they should be changed ? that we should be delivered from our 
tyrants ? that we should be free ? that we should slay the gachupines ! that 
we should kill the Spaniards ?' 

" The image had a moveable head fastened to a spring, which he jerked 
by a cord concealed beneath his coat, and, of course the Virgin responded 
with a nod ! The effect v/as surprising — and the air was filled with In- 
dian shouts of obedience to the present miracle.'''' — Mexico as it was and as it 
is, p. 230. 

*The term creole is a corruption of the Spanish word criollo, which is 
derived from ciiar, to create or foster. The Spaniards apply the term 
criollo not merely to the human race, but to animals born in the colonies, 
if they are of pure European blood. 

f See Robinson's Memoirs Mexican Revolution, page 15. The term 
gachupin has been always used by the Creoles and Indians as a word of 
contempt towards the Spaniards. Its origin and exact signification are un- 
known ; but it is believed to be an Indian, and perhaps Aztec, term of scorn 
and opprobrium. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 19 

captivating so long as there was an European foe to subdue. 
But, when the last remnant of Spanish power disappeared, 
the men who had governed during the revolution were loath 
to surrender power and subside into the insignificance of mere 
citizenship. In such a country as Mexico, and in such a war 
as had just occurred, this controlling influence in public af- 
fairs was, of course, to be chiefly found in the army ; so that 
when the nation looked around for men to direct her at a 
period when Spain had not yet recognized her independence 
and might again assail her, she naturally turned to the mili- 
taiy chieftains whose valor sustained her cause so bravely. 
Thus it was that in her first moments of peace, the army ob- 
tained an important ascendancy, which it has ever since 
contrived to retain during all administrations. 

It is not just to the Spanish colonies to blame them for 
such a procedure, especially when we remember that even 
our republic is beginning to manifest a marked partiality for 
military men. The great deed rather than the great thought, 
— the brilliant act rather than beneficent legislation,— arrests 
and captivates the multitude. In republics, where an eager 
strife for wealth, distinction or power, is constantly going on, 
the notice and position that each man obtains must be won 
either by intrigue or by the irresistible power of talents and 
achievements. Ambitious parties sometimes even compro- 
mise for the weakest, rather than yield the palm to superior 
merit of wliich they are meanly jealous. The great mass 
of the country has no time to pause in the midst of its earnest 
labor to meditate wisely on the political abilities and moral 
claims of individuals. They cannot weigh them in the 
golden scales of justice; — but, by a more rapid and easy pro- 
cess, they yield their suffrages promptly to those whose mani- 
festations of genius or power are so resistless as to compel ad- 
miration. Thus is it that the brave soldier, performing his 



20 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

noble exploit on the field of battle, speaks palpably to 
the eye and ear of the greedy multitude. His is, indeed, 
the language of action, and each new deed makes national 
gloiy more distinct, and national vanity more confident. 
But the more quiet and unobtrusive statesman, with a field 
infinitely less glaring or attractive, exacts from his judges 
a suspension of party feeling, an investigation of motive 
and merit, a calm and forbearing justice, which the im- 
patient masses have seldom the time or talent to bestow. It 
is, therefore, by no means surprising to find in history, that 
the sword has commonly been mightier than the pen, and 
that military chieftains become the natural heads of repub- 
lics which are created by long and bitter revolutions. 

It must be remembered that the army in Mexico is not 
what armies are generally understood to be in other countries. 
In Europe they are designed to restrain the aggressive am- 
bition of rival powers, to act as military police, and, by their 
imposing skill, discipline and numbers, to preserve the balance 
of national power. But in Mexico, whilst the members of 
an immensely rich hierarchy constitute a distinct order in 
society, the army forms another. — The policy of the existing 
military chieftains was to sustain, foster and increase their 
individual power and patronage. The mere domestic po- 
lice of the country could surely never require, in time of 
peace, so large a numerical force under arms as that which 
has always been supported in it; yet the military presi- 
dents, at once, sought to establish an army of officers, and 
by the enlistment of a body of commanders, entirely dispro- 
portionate to the number of rank and file, they immediately 
created a military order upon whose support they could rely 
so long as they possessed the means of patronage. The of- 
ficers thus became armed and paid politicians, whilst the 
common soldiers formed a military police; — the one an ele- 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 21 

ment of all political revolutions, the other a tool by which 
those revolutions were effected. The great practical idea of 
government, it will be perceived, was derived from com- 
pulsory force. The church wielded the spiritual power, 
whilst the army held the physical ; and, between the two, 
the people, — composed of merchants, professional men, far- 
mers, proprietors, and artisans, — were refused all participa- 
tion in authority, or progress in civil order which might have 
placed Mexico among the foremost nations of the world. 
In this manner a central despot has always found means and 
instruments to suppress federalism ; — for whilst near thirty 
revolutions have occurred in Mexico since her independence, 
every one of her presidents has been a military chieftain.* 

Macaulay, in his essay on the life of Lord Bacon describes 
the condition of England when she was governed by war- 
riors whose rude courage was neither guided by science nor 
softened by humanity, and by priests whose learning and 
abilities were habitually devoted to the defence of power. 
The description of that age in England is by no means in- 
applicable to Mexico in the nineteenth century. " On the 
one side," says he, " the Hotspurs, the Nevilles, the Clif- 
fords, rough illiterate and unreflecting, brought to the coun- 
cil-board the fierce and impetuous despotism which they had 
acquired amid the tumult of predatory war or in the gloomy 
repose of the garrisoned and moated castle. On the other 
side was the calm and placid prelate, versed in all that was 
considered as learning; trained in the schools to manage 
words, and, in the Confessional, to manage hearts; — seldom 
superstitious, but skilful in practising on the superstitions 
of others ; false as it was natural for a man to be whose pro- 

* A federal government, similar to our own, was established in Mexico in 
1824, and overthrovrn in 1835, to yield to a central constitution, in the 
meanwhile, the centralists were almost always at war, openly or secretly, 
against the federalists. '' 



22 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

fession imposed on all who were not saints the necessity of 
being hypocrites; — selfish as it was natural that a man 
should be who could form no domestic ties and cherish no 
hope of legitimate posterity; — more attached to his order 
than to his country, and guiding the politics of England with 
a constant side glance to Rome." * 

And so it was in Mexico, The sojourner in her capital is 
continually warned of this double dominion over the soul 
and body of the people. The drum and the bell resound 
in his ears from morning to night fall. Priests and soldiers 
throng the streets; and, whilst the former enjo}^ the comfort- 
able revenues which are derived from the one hundred mil- 
lions of property owned by the church, the latter live upon 
the labor of the people, whom they are paid to control and 
transfer from one militar}^ despot to another. 

'■ The Mexican revolution, — like the revolutions of Eng- 
land, but unlike that of France, — was political rather than 
social. The great foundations of society were therefore un- 
disturbed, and the priest and soldier took the ranks of the 
ancient privileged, classes, whilst the mixed people and the 
native Indians remained what they had ever been — the sub- 

-jects of government. 

Of all the officers who have commanded the army and 
enjoyed the presidency, Santa Anna has occupied the most 
distinguished position since the death of Iturbide, and it is 
with him and the nation thus desciibed, that we shall 
deal in the following pages. 

* Macaulay's Essays, vol. 2d, p. 356, Bost. Ed. 



CHAPTER 11. 

Origin of the war considered — True objects of contemporaneous history — 
Motives for war — No single act caused it — Difference between war and 
hostilities — Mexican revolution — Federalism and Centralism — Operation 
of the Constitution of 1824 — History of our commercial and diplomatic 
relations — Bad conduct of Mexico in regard to our claims, compared with 
that of other nations — Commission — Award of umpire — Subsequent 
course of Mexico — History of the seizure and surrender of Monterey, 
on the Pacific, by Commodore Jones in 1842 — Secretary Upshur's cen- 
sure of his conduct — 111 feeling in Mexico towards the United States in 
consequence of this seizure. 

An artist in portraying a face or delineating a landscape, t 
does not imprint upon his canvass, each line and wrinkle, 
each blade of grass or mossy stone, yet a spectator recog- 
nizes in the complete painting, those broad characteristics 
of truth which establish a limner's fidelity. So it is with 
the historian. Whilst seeking for accuracy in all his details, 
he aims, chiefly, at exactness in his ruling principles and 
general effect, but he leaves the minute inelegances and 
tasteless incidents to those whose critical fervor delights in^^ 
detecting them. 

It is not alone in the detail of facts that the historian is 
liable to incur censure, especially when he writes a contem- 
poraneous narrative. It is almost impossible to suppose that 
he will divest himself so completely of party feeling, as to 
compose an unprejudiced work. Some critics have even 
declared that a historian should possess neither religion nor 



24 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

country, and would thus force us to believe it utterly im- 
possible to be impartial unless an author were an infidel or 
a cosmopolite. 

The age is so characterized by political rancor and so lit- 
tle by true statesmanship, that it is not surprising to hear 
such opinions even from experienced and patient scholars. 
Yet I have always thought that a writer who undertakes 
the task of delineating national annals in no sectarian 
spirit but with broad and christian tolerance, — honestly 
seeking to do justice in politics and religion to all, — may so 
far separate himself from the strifes of the day as to pro- 
nounce opinions as honest, though perhaps not as learned, 
as those that issue from the bench. 

■y There is, too, a great advantage which should not escape 
our notice in recording contemporaneous history and fixing 
permanently the facts of the time as they occin\ He who 
describes events or periods long since past, is forced to throw 
himself back, if possible, into the scenes of which he writes, 
whilst he remains free from sympathy with their factions 
and parties. But if a writer of the present day will place 
himself on the impartial ground of religious and political free- 
dom, and make himself what Madame de Stael has so feli- 
tously styled " contemporaneous posterity," I think he wall 
be better able than those who come after us to narrate 
7 with vivid freshness the story of this sanguinary war. 

The impression of public feeling both in Mexico and the 
United States is still distinct in our recollection ; the political 
motives influencing or controlling both the great parties in 
our country, have not yet ceased to operate ; and the errors 
that may innocently creep into a narrative may be cor- 
rected by intelligent men who took part in the war as sol- 
diers or civilians. A history thus dispassionately written, 
must, it seems to me, have the truth and value of a portrait 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 25 

taken from life, rather than of a sketch made from memory 
whose coloring lacks all the freshness of vitality. 

The very threshold of this historj'^ is embarrassed by the 
party controversies to which I have alluded. The origin of 
the war was attributed by the president and his adherents 
to the wrong doings of Mexico, whilst the opponents of the 
executive did not hesitate to charge its unnecessary incep- 
tion and all its errors directly on the cabinet. Documents, 
messages, speeches, essays, and reviews, were published to 
sustain both sides of the question, and the whole subject was 
argued with so much ability and bitterness, so much zeal 
and apparent sincerity, that an impartial mind experiences 
extraordinary difficulty in detecting the actual offender. 
That grievances existed in the conduct of Mexico against 
us during a long series of years cannot be denied; but, 
it is equally true, that, between governments Avell adminis- 
tered and entirely reasonable on both sides, none of those 
provocations justified w^ar. Yet, when offended power 
on one side, and passion on the other, become engaged in 
discussion, it requires but litde to fan the smallest spark into 
a flame, and thus to kindle a conflagration, which the stout- 
est arms may fail to suppress. It frequently occurs in the 
affairs of ordinary life, that neighbors are the bitterest ene- 
mies. Men often dislike each other at their first*interview, 
especially if they belong to families in which mutual preju- 
dices have existed. They find it impossible to assign rea- 
sons for their aversion ; nevertheless it exists in all its mar- 
vellous virulence. A slight disagreement as to limits between 
neighboring landholders, a paltry quarrel among servants, 
the malicious representation of innocent remarks, a thousand 
vain and trifling incidents, may effectually create a degree 
of ill feeling and cause them never to meet without scornful 
4 



26 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

looks and quickened pulses. At length, this offensive tem- 
per is manifested in personal annoyance or insulting lan- 
guage, and blows are struck in the first encounter without 
pausing to debate the justice of an assault. It is with na- 
tions as it is with persons. The boasted discretion of states- 
men, and the provident temper of politicians have, in all ages, 
failed to control the animosity of mankind; and we thus find 
as much litdeness in the conduct of governments as in the 
petulance of men. 

I have therefore, in studying this subject carefully, been 
led to the opinion that no single act or cause can be truly 
N^ said to have originated the war between the United States 

and Mexico ; but that it occurred as the result of a series of 
events, and as the necessary consequence of the acts, posi- 
tion, temper, passions, ambition and history of both parties 
since our international relations commenced. 

The reader will observe that I draw a distinction between 
the rvar and hostilities. I sliall discuss the latter question 
in the portion of this volume which relates to events on the 
Rio Grande.* 

In the preceding chapter I have glanced at the character 
of the people of Mexico, and I trust that the sketch I gave 
will be continually remembered as illustrating the people 
with whojn we are dealing. When our first envoy, Mr. 
Poinsett, was despatched, he found Mexico pausing to recover 
breath after her revolution. The bad government of Spain 
had been followed by the turmoil and bloodshed of the rebel- 
lion, and that, in turn, was succeeded by the anarchy of a 
distracted republic. Revolution has followed revolution so 
rapidly since then, that the historian, at a loss to discover 

*This river is known by various names in difTerent authors. By some it 
is called Rio Bravo, by others, Rio del Norte, and by others, again, Rio 
Grande. I shall adhere to the latter throughout this Mrork. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 27 

their causes, can scarcely detect their pretexts. For twenty 
years past we have been so accustomed to liear of a new 
mihtary outbreak in Mexico that the famiharized act seems 
to be only the legitimate order of constitutional change. Pas- 
sion, ambition, turbulence, avarice, and superstition, have so 
devoured the country, that during the whole of this period, 
Mexico, whilst presenting to foreign nations, the external ap- 
pearance of nationality, has, in fact, at home, scarcely ever 
enjoyed the benefit of a real or stable government that could 
make an impression upon the character of the people or their 
rulers. It is true that, at first, she sought to adopt our fede- 
ral system ; but the original difference between the colonial 
condition of things in the two countries, made the operation 
of it almost impossible. The British provinces of North 
America, with their ancient and separate governments, very 
naturally united in a federation for national purposes, 
whilst they retained their freedom and laws as indepen- 
dent States. But the viceroyalty of Mexico, when it revolu- 
tionized its government, was forced to reverse our system, — 
to destroy the original central power, and, subsequently to 
divide the territory into departments, or states. Until the 
year 1S24, nothing of this kind existed in Mexico. The 
whole country from the Sabine to its utmost southern limit, 
was under the central rule of a viceroy, with the same laws, 
religion, priests, judges, and civil as well as military au- 
thorities. The constitution of 1824, for the first time 
broke up the consolidated nation into nineteen states, and 
then, by the same legislative act, recomposed them in a fede- 
rative union. The constitutions of these nineteen states, 
consequently, were creative of differences that never existed 
before, and the unity of power, will, and action, which 
previously existed was destroyed forever. This was, natu- 
rally the origin of jealousies, parties, and sectional feeling; 



28 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

and the result was, that the revenues of the country became 
wasted whilst their collection was impeded, and that a peo- 
ple unused to freedom and chiefly composed of illiterate 
Creoles, were confounded by a scheme of government whose 
machinery was too intricate.* 

The state and municipal governments of Mexico were, 
consequently, always quite as incompetent for self-rule as the 
central authority. In addition to this, they were cordially 
jealous of the national powers. This arose from the state- 
fears of consolidation; and, as it was with these municipal 
authorities, as well as with the corrupt government officers, 
that our citizens were chiefly brought in contact in the ports, 
it is not at all wonderful to find them soon complaining of 
oppression and burthening the records of our legation with 
their grievances. When our ministers sought to obtain re- 
dress, the Mexican government was reluctant to undertake 
the investigation of the subject; and, when it did so, con- 
tinually encountered delay and equivocation on the part of 
the local authorities. The distant peculator was anxious to 
escape the penalty of his fault by procrastination, and the 
Mexican secretary of state, ever willing to uphold his national 
pride by concealing or not confessing the villainy of his su- 
bordinate, was ready to sustain him by an interminable cor- 
respondence. 

The history of the diplomatic and commercial relations 
between the United States and Mexico, as exhibited by con- 
gress in all the published volumes of national documents, 
presents a series of wrongs, which the reader will find ably 
recapitulated in a report f made l)y Mr. Gushing in the year 
1842. Our claims, arising from injuries inflicted by Mexico, 

*See the Natchez Daily Courier of 18th January, 1843, for an excellent 
article on Mexico, signed Ego et Alter. 
t Report No. 1096 to the H. of R., 27th congress, 2d session. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 29 

were no ordinary demands founded on mere qnerulousness, 
or contrived with a view to obtain money fraudulently from 
that republic. They were brought to the notice of the min- 
istry of foreign affairs by all our envoys, and their justice 
urged with ample proof; until, at length, upon the return of 
Mr. Powhatan Ellis to the United States, in the year 1837, 
after demanding his passports, they became the subject of a 
message from President Jackson in which he alleges that all 
his efforts of pacific negotiation had been fruitless and that 
he found it both just and prudent to recommend reprisals 
against Mexico. This serious aspect of our difficulties im- 
mediately commended the subject to the notice of commit- 
tees in both houses of congress, and whilst they sustained 
the president's opinion of the character of our wrongs, they 
recommended that a forbearing spirit should still cliarac- 
terize our conduct, so that, "after a further demand, should 
prompt justice be refused by the Mexican government, 
we might appeal to all nations not only for the equity 
and moderation with which we had acted towards a sister 
republic but for the necessity which will then compel us 
to seek redress for our wrongs either by actual war or re- 
prisals."* 

" Shortly after these proceedings" — says President Polk — 
"a special messenger was despatched to Mexico, to make a 
final demand for redress; and on the 20th of July, 1837, the 
demand was made. The reply of the Mexican government 
bears date on the 29th of the same month, and contains as- 
surances of the anxious wish of the Mexican government 
' not to delay the moment of that final and equitable adjust- 
ment which is to terminate the existing difficulties between 
the two governments;' that nothing 'should be left undone 
which may contribute to the speediest and most equitable ter- 
* See senate documents of that session- 



30 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

mination of the subjects which have so seriously engaged the 
attention of the United States,' that the 'Mexican govern- 
ment would adopt, as the only guides for its conduct, the 
plainest principles of public right, the sacred obligations im- 
posed by international law, and the religious faith of treaties,' 
and that ' whatever reason and justice may dictate respecting 
each case will be done.' The assurance was further given 
that the decision of the Mexican government upon each cause 
of complaint, for which redress had been demanded, should 
be communicated to the government of the United States by 
the Mexican minister at Washington. 

"These solemn assurances, in answer to our demand 
for redress, were disregarded. By making them, however, 
Mexico obtained further delay. President Van Buren, in 
his annual message to congress of the 5th of December, 
1837, states that 'although the larger number' of our de- 
mands for redress, and ' many of them aggravated cases of 
personal wrongs, have been now for years before the Mexican 
government, and although the causes of national complaint, 
and those of the most offensive character, admitted of imme- 
diate, simple, and satisfactory replies, it is only within a few 
days past that any specific communication in answer to our 
last demand, made five months ago, has been received from 
the Mexican minister;' and that 'for not one of our public 
complaints has satisfaction been given or offered ; that but 
one of the cases of personal \vrong has been favorably con- 
sidered, and but four cases of both descriptions, out of 
all those formally presented, and earnestly pressed, have as 
yet been decided upon by the Mexican government.' Pre- 
sident Van Buren, believing that it would be vain to make 
any further attempt to obtain redress by the ordinary means 
within the power of the executive, communicated this opinion 
to congress, in the message referred to, in which he said that 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 31 

' on a careful and deliberate examination of the contents,' of 
the correspondence with the Mexican govemment, ' and con- 
sidering the spirit manifested by the Mexican government, it 
became his painful duty to return the subject, as it now 
stands, to congress, to whom it belongs, to decide upon the 
time, the mode, and the measure of redress.' 

'• Instead of taking redress into our own hands, a new ne- 
gotiation was entered upon with fair promises on the part of 
Mexico. This negotiation, after more than a year's delay, 
residted in the convention of the 11th of April, 1S39, 'for the 
adjustment of claims of citizens of the United States of 
America upon the government of the Mexican republic' 
The joint board of commissioners created by this convention 
to examine and decide upon these claims was not organized 
until the month of August, 1840, and under the terms of the 
convention they Avere to terminate their duties within eigh- 
teen months from that time. Four of the eighteen months 
were consumed in preliminary discussions on frivolous and 
dilatory points raised by the Mexican commissioners; nor 
was it until the month of December, 1 840, that they com- 
menced the examination of the claims of our citizens upon 
Mexico. Fourteen months only remained to examine and 
decide upon these numerous and complicated cases. In the 
month of February, 1842, the term of the commission ex- 
pired, leaving many claims undisposed of for want of time. 
The claims which were allowed by the board and by the 
umpire, authorized by the convention to decide in case of 
disagreement between the Mexican and American commis- 
sioners, amounted to tu'o millions twenty-six thousand one 
hundred and thirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight cents. 
There were pending before the umpire when the commis- 
sion expired additional claims which had been examined 
and awarded by the American commissioners, and had not 



32 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

been allowed by the Mexican commissioners, amounting to 
7iine hundred arid twenty-eight thousand and twenty-seven 
dollars and eighty-eight cents, upon which he did not de- 
cide, alleging that his authority ceased Avith the termination 
of the joint commission. Besides these claims, there were 
others of American citizens amounting to three millions three 
hundred and thirty-six thousand eight hundred, and thirty- 
seven dollars and five cents, which had been submitted to 
the board, and upon which they had not time to decide be- 
/^ fore their final adjournment. 

" The sum of two millions twenty-six thousand one hun- 
dred and thirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight cents which had 
been awarded to the claimants, was an ascertained debt by 
Mexico, about which there could be no dispute, and which 
she was bound to pay according to the terms of the conven- 
tion. Soon after the final awards for this amount had been 
made, the Mexican government asked for a postponement of 
the time of making payment, alleging that it would be in- 
convenient to pay at the time stipulated. In the spirit of for- 
bearing kindness towards a sister republic, which Mexico has 
so long abused, the United States promptly complied with 
her request. A second convention was accordingly con- 
cluded between the two governments on the thirtieth of Jan- 
uary, 1843, which upon its face declares, that, ' this new 
arrangement is entered into for the accommodation of Mexi- 
co.' By the terms of this convention, all the interest due 
on the awards which had been made in favor of the claim- 
ants under the convention of the 11th of April, 1S39, was 
to be paid to them on the 30th of April, 1S43, and " the 
principal of the said awards, and the interest accruing there- 
on," was stipulated to " be paid in five years, in equal instal- 
ments every three months." Notwithstanding this new con- 
vention was entered into at the request of Mexico, and for 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 33 

the purpose of relieving her from embarrassment, the claim- 
ants only received the interest due on the SOtli of April, 
1843, and three of the twenty instalments. Although the 
payments of the sum thus liquidated, and confessedly due 
by Mexico to our citizens as indemnity for acknowledged 
acts of outrage and wrong, was secured by treaty, the obli- 
gations of which are ever held sacred by all just nations, yet 
Mexico violated this solemn engagement by failing and 
refusing to make tlie payment. The two instalments due 
in April and July, 1844, under the peculiar circumstances 
connected with them, were assumed by the United States 
and paid to the claimants. But this is not all of which 
we have just cause of complaint. To provide a remedy for 
the claimants whose cases were not decided by the joint 
commission under the convention of April the 11th, 1839, it 
was expressly stipulated by the sixth article of the conven- 
tion of the 30th of January, 1843, that ' a new convention 
shall be entered into for the settlement of all claims of the 
government and citizens of the United States against the re- 
public of Mexico which were not finally decided by the late 
commission which met in the city of Washington, and all 
claims of the government and citizens of Mexico against the 
United States.' 

" In conformity with this stipulation, a third convention 
was concluded and signed at the city of Mexico on the 20th 
of November, 1843, by the plenipotentiaries of the two go- 
vernments, by which provision was made for ascertaining 
and paying these claims. In January, 1844, this convention 
was ratified by the senate of the United States, with two 
amendments, which were manifestly reasonable in their 
character. 

'* Upon a reference of the amendments proposed to the 
government of Mexico, the same evasions, diflrculties, and 
5 



,:^, 



34 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

delays were interposed which have so long marked the policy 
with that government towards the United States. It has not 
even yet decided whether it would or would not accede to 
them, although the subject has been repeatedly pressed upon 
its consideration. 

" Mexico thus violated a second time the faith of treaties, 
by failing or refusing to carry into effect the sixth article of 
convention of January, 1843."* 

The allegations made in this message are unquestionable. 
They rest upon the evidence of documents which are acces- 
sible to all in the published papers of the government.f The 
outrages of Mexico consisted in seizure of property, illegal 
imprisonment of citizens, deprivation of just rights, interfer- 
ence with our lawful commerce, forced loans, violations of 
contracts, and arbitrary expulsion from the territory without 
trial. All these misdeeds formed the exasperating bm-then 
of our complaint, and their perpetration was in fact proved 
beyond the possibility of cavil by the awards in favor of our 
claimants made by the Baron von Roenne, who, as Prussian 
minister, was umpire between the Mexican and American 

commissioners. 

It must not be forgotten that we had claims also against 
Spain, France, England, Denmark and Naples, which were 
adjusted by negotiation and liquidated in strict accordance 
with treaties. These, demands, however, originated during 
the wars in Europe which followed the French revo- 
lution, so that it remained for Mexico to peculate on our 

* President Polk's annual message to congress, 8th Dec. 1846, p. 6. 

t See Doc. No. 139, 24 cong. 2(3 sess. H. of R.— Senate Doc. No. 320, 2(1 
seSs. 27 cong. — Doc. No. 57, H. of R. 27 cong. 1st sess. — Senate Doc. No. 
411, 27 cong. 2d sess. — Doc. No. 1096, H. of R. 27 cong. 2d sess. — Doc. 
No. 158, H. of R. 28 cong. 2d sess— Doc. No. 144, H. of R. 28 cong. 2d 
sess. — Senate Doc. No. 85, 29 cong. 1st sess. — Senate Doc. No. 151, 29 
cong. 1 sess. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 35 

commerce and persecute our people during a period of entire 
international peace, and without any excuse save the direct 
villainy of her government, or the corrupt ignorance of her 
subordinate officers. 

We must now retrace our steps, in order to narrate an event 
of interest in the series of causes that originated this war. 

It appears that the Mexican government, in anticipation of 
some attack on its distant territories of California, had, in the 
summer of 1S42, sent a number of troops thither, under the 
command of Don Manuel Micheltorena, who was appointed 
commandant general and inspector of both the Californias. 
These troops arrived at San Diego, the southernmost port on 
the Pacific side of California, in the middle of October, and 
were on their way to Monterey, the capital, when the occur- 
rences in question took place. 

Monterey, on the Pacific, is a small village founded by the 
Spaniards in 1771, at the southern extremity of a bay of the 
same name, near the 36th degree of latitude, about a hun- 
dred miles south of the great bay of San Francisco, and about 
three hundred and fifty miles north from the town of An- 
geles, where the Commandant Micheltorena was resting with 
his troops when the events in question occurred. 

Whilst Commodore Jones was visiting the port of Callao, 
in September, 1842, he received from Mr. John Parrott, our 
consul at Mazatlan, a copy of a Mexican newspaper of the 
4th of June, containing three oflQcial declarations against the 
United States," which he regarded as "highly belligerent."* 

*This paper contained the circular of the Mexican minister of foreign 
relations to the diplomatic corps, dated 31st May, 1842, — (answered by Mr. 
Thompson on the Ist of June,) — relative to public meetings in the United 
States favorable to Texas ; the aid furnished Texas by volunteers from the 
United States ; and the trade in arms and munitions of war with Texas. 
Doc. No. 266, H. of R., 27th congress, 2d session. 



36 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

He also obtained a newspaper published in Boston, quoting 
a paragraph from the New Orleans Advertiser of the 19th 
April, 1842, in which it was asserted, — upon what the editor 
deemed authentic information, — that Mexico had ceded the 
Californias to England for seven millions of dollars. These 
documents reached our sensitive commodore at a moment 
when his suspicions were aroused by other circumstances. 
For, on the 5th of September, Rear-Adrairal Thomas, a Bri- 
tish commander, sailed from Callao in the Dublin having 
previously despatched two of his fleet with sealed orders just 
received from England. The whole fleet, he behaved, was 
secretly on its way to Panama to embark reinforcements of 
troops, from the West Indies, to take armed possession of the 
Californias in conformity with the allegation of the Boston 
and New Orleans editors.* 

Commodore Jones immediately hastened from the port of 
Callao to Lima, where, in a conversation with the American 
charge d'affaires, Mr. Pickett, he formed the decided opinion 
that there would be war not only with Mexico but with Great 
Britain also.f Accordingly, he lost no time in preparing for 
sea, and on the 7th of September, sailed for the coast of 
Mexico. 

On tlie 1 9th of October, Jones arrived at Monterey, in the 
frigate United States, accompanied by the Cyane, Captain 
Stribling. They did not communicate with the shore or en- 
deavor, in any authentic wa}^ to ascertain the state of our 
political relations; but at four o'clock in the afternoon. Cap- 
tain Armstrong, the flag captain of the United States, landed, 
and delivered to the acting governor, Don Juan Alvarado, a 
letter from Commodore Jones, requiring the immediate sur- 
render of the place, with its forts, castles, ammunitions and 
arms, to the United States, in order to save it from the hor- 

*See. doc, No. 166, H. of R., 27th congress, 3d session, page 85. 
t Id. pages 15, 68, 73. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 37 

rors of war, which would be the immediate consequences of 
a refusal to submit. Alvarado, upon this summons, consulted 
the military and civil authorities; and, finding that the garri- 
son consisted of only twenty-nine men, that the artillery was 
composed of eleven pieces, entirely useless from the rotten- 
ness of their carriages, and that the whole number of mus- 
kets and carbines, good and bad, did not exceed a hundred 
and fifty, he surrendered the place, which was taken posses- 
sion of by the Americans early on the 20th of October. The 
articles of capitulation signed on the occasion provide, that 
the Mexican soldiers shall march out with colors flying, and 
shall remain as prisoners of war until they can be sent to 
Mexico, and that the inhabitants shall be protected in their 
persons and property, so long as they conduct tliemselves 
properly, and do not infringe the laws of the United States. 
Commodore Jones at the same time issued a proclamation to 
the Californians, declaring that "he came in arms as the 
representative of a powerful nation, against which the exist- \ 
ing government of Mexico had engaged in war, but not with 
the intention of spreading dismay among the peaceful inhabi- 
tants," and inviting them to submit to the authority of a 
government which would protect them forever in the enjoy- 
ment of libert3^ 

The evening and night of the 20th passed quietly ; but, 
on the next day, the commodore seems to have reflected on 
the results of a bloodless conquest which was even more 
easily won than the victories of Cortez and Pizarro three hun- 
dred years before. Learning that there was late and pacific 
news from Mexico, and, forthwith despatching his private 
secretary and chaplain to seek for it, they discovered, in the 
office of the Mexican commissary, several packages contain- 
ing unopened files of gazettes, as late as the 4th of August. 
"The general tone of the articles,"— says the commodore, — 



38 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

"relating to the United States, in these papers, was pacific, 
whilst the certainty that Mexico had not commenced hosti- 
lities against us, up to the 22d of A ugust, was established by 
private commercial letters from Mazatlan." Thus, it seemed 
to him, that the crisis had passed ; that his victory was barren, 
that the reported cession of the Californias to England was 
untrue and could not have been prevented even by his valor. 
The war which had been recklessly undertaken upon sur- 
mises or newspaper articles, and stimulated by the sailing of 
an English fleet with sealed orders, came to an end as it be- 
gan — by Mexican journals. 

Accordingly, on the 21st of the month, Commodore Jones 
addressed another letter to the acting governor, Alvarado, 
announcing that information received since the capture of 
the place, left him no reason to doubt that the difficulties 
between Mexico and the United States had been adjusted; 
and that, being anxious to avoid all cause of future contro- 
vers}'^, he was ready to restore the place, witli its forts and 
property, to the Mexicans, in the same condition in which 
they were before the seizure. Monterey was therefore at 
once evacuated by the Americans, and reoccupied by the 
Mexicans, whose flag, on being rehoisted, was saluted by our 
ships. 

If the commodore of our squadron had prudently despatch- 
ed his secretary and chaplain on a pacific mission of inquiry 
under a flag of truce, immediately upon his ariival, it is ex- 
tremely probable that they would either have discovered on 
the 20th tlie nev/spapers they found on the 21st, or have re- 
ceived the commercial letter which terminated the capture. 
This would have prevented an angry diplomatic correspon- 
dence; it would have allayed the irritation of national sensi- 
bility, and, whilst it saved us from the imputation of attempt- 
ing to intimidate a weak power, would not have subjected 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES 39 

our forces to the mortification of mistake upon such grievous 
subjects as peace and war. The Mexican papers, of course, 
viewed the matter as a national insult; and the government 
gazette, published in the capital, unequivocally asserted that 
Commodore Jones attacked Monterey, agreeably to orders 
from his government, with the view of conquering Califor- 
nia, but that finding the country in a state of defence, (for 
which thanks were due to President Santa Anna and his efii- 
cient minister of war,) he was obliged to abandon his plan 
and invent a story for his justification.* 

It is scarcely possible for a citizen of the United States to 
take a different view of the subject without a full knowledge 
of the facts; for it could hardly be believed that the com- 
mander of a naval station, during a period of profound peace, 
would venture to summon towns to surrender, to land forces, 
take prisoners, and hoist our national flag on friendly soil, 
without the authority or connivance of his government.f 

* Diario del Gobierno — Mexico, 1842. 

f A correspondence relative to this seizure of Monterey took place at 
Washington betv/een Mr. Webster, secretary of "state, and Gen. Almonte, 
the Mexican minister; and, in Mexico, between Senor Bocanegra, minis- 
ter of foreign affairs, and Mr. Waddy Thompson, our diplomatic represen- 
tative. Mexico complained bitterly of our insulting descent on her terri- 
tory, and our ministers apologized gracefully for the unauthorised act. 
The correspondence between the governments and with Commodore Jones 
will be found in document No. 166, H. of R., 27th congress, 3d session, 1843. 

The recall of Commodore Jones by the secretary of the navy is the fol- 
lowing words : 

"Navy Department, January 24, 1843. 

" Sir : Although no official intelligence of the recent occurrences at 
Monterey has reached this department, yet the leading facts have been 
communicated in a form sufficiently authentic to justify and render neces- 
sary my immediate action. In the opinion of this government it is due to 
the friendly relations subsisting between the United States and Mexico, 
and to the respect which every nation owes to the rights of other nations. 



CHAPTER III. 



The origin of the war — History of the pacification betv/een Spain and Hol- 
land in 1609 — Spain and Mexico should have followed the example — 
The Texas question — Origin of the Texas revolution — True history of it 
— Resistance to the Central despotism of Santa Anna — Mexican war 
against TexaS' — Independence of Texas — Santa Anna's retraction in 
1846 of his anti-federative opinions. 

The student of Mexican history, at this period, will derive 
instruction from a narrative of the connexion which once 
existed between Spain and the Netherlands and its fatal 
rupture. 

After the fall of the duke of Burgundy in 14T7, his 
daughter Mary brought the low countries to Austria by her 
marriage with the Emperor Maximilian; and his grandson, 
Charles V, united these provinces witii Spain. During the 
reign of Charles, their ancient liberties were carefully re- 
spected, and the country prospered whilst the Protestant re- 
ligion spread throughout it in spite of stern opposition. But 

that you should be recalled from the command of the squadron in the 
Pacific. 

"In adopting this course it is not designed to prejudge the case, nor even 
to indicate any opinion as to the propriety or impropriety of your conduct in the 
matter alluded to. That will of course be made the subject of proper in- 
quiry after you return to the United States, when full justice will be done 
as between yourself and your own country. The present order has refer- 
ence only to the just claims of Mexico on this government for such a disa- 
vov/al of the attack on Monterey as will fully recognize the rights of 
Mexico, and at the same time place the conduct of this government in a 
proper light before the nations of the world. Commodore Dallas will re- 
lieve you as soon as he can conveniently reach the station and you will 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 41 

when his successor, PJiihp II, mounted (he throne, all pru- 
dence in the government of the Belgic and Batavian pro- 
vinces seems to have been abandoned, and unbridled perse- 
cution was let loose on the civil and religious rights of the 
people. Granvella and the bloody duke of Alva were the 
monarch's instruments in this sad misgovernment, which re- 
sulted in a total renunciation of allegiance to the king of 
Spain. Long and bitter was the rebellion, — continuing from 
the middle of the sixteenth century to the year 1 609, — when 
the Spanish claim to the sovereignty of the new republic of 
Holland was virtually resigned under the form of a truce for 
twelve years between the belligerents.* 

The independence of the united provinces was thus, in 
fact achieved, and it was recognized by all the great powers 
of Europe except Spain ; still Holland went through the 
thirty years war, before her nationality was secured by the 
peace of Westphalia. 

From this sketch it will be perceived that Spain, although 
willing to forego the continuance of war, and to save the 
point of honor between herself and the rebellious provinces 
when it was impossible to recover her dominion over them, 
nevertheless, clung with stupid pride to her abstract right of 
reconquest for a long period after she had substantially ac- 
knowledged their fieedom. The dismemberment of Spain 
was, of course, an event which the monarch could not be- 

return to the United States in such mode as may be most convenient and 
agreeable to yourself. 

"I am respectfully yours, 

"A. P. UPSHUR. 
"Com. Tiios. Ap. C. Jones, commanding Pacific squadron." 
I believe that the commodore was not tried by a court of inquiry or a 
court martial after his return, but that the affair has slumbered since the 
date of the above letter. 

* Arnold's third lecture on modern history. 

6 



42 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

hold without regret, for it was natural that he should seek to 
transmit his dominions to posterity imcurtailed of their fair 
proportions. Yet, in the adoption of a diplomatic ruse, — in 
the truce of twelve years, — there was a degree of wisdom 
which it would have heen well for Spain to recollect when 
it became evident that the revolt of her American colonies 
was about to terminate in their independence. The pas- 
sions between the belligerents would have had time to cool. 
The common ties of blood and language might gradually 
have bound up the wounds made by Avar. The intervention 
of friendly powers would have obtained concessions from the 
discreet parent, — and thus Peru and Mexico might still have 
shone as the brightest jewels in the Spanish crown. No 
quarrel ever terminated in perfect re-establishment of amity 
without tolerance or retraction on the part of one of the dis- 
putants. Superior force may overawe into silence or crush 
by its ponderous blows, yet the non-resistance and taciturnity 
which ensue are but the repose that precedes the liurricane, 
in which the elements seem gathering strength to pour forth 
their wrath with iriesistible fury. 

So was it with Spain and her American colonies. Instead 
of soothing and pacific measures, tending to allay resentment 
and bring back the rebel to allegiance, the utmost violence 
was at once adopted both in deeds and language, and scenes 
of barbarity were enacted by Calleja and his myrmidons 
from which the heart recoils with horror.* 

Severe as was the lesson taught by the conduct of Spain 
to Mexico, that republic, nevertheless, resolved not to profit 
by it when she, in turn, saw one of her States discontented 
with her misrule and usurpations. If Texas had been 
soothed; if justice had been speedily done; if the executive 
had despatched discreet officers, and reconciled the differences 

* Robinson's Memoirs of the Mexican Revolution, pages 20, 22. 24 



MEXICO AND THP: UNITED STATES. 43 

between the North American emigrants and tlie Spaniards, 
not only in civil and municipal government, but in religion 
and temper, — Texas might not have been lost to Mexico, — 
but, invigorated by a hardy and industrious population, 
would have poured commercial weaUli into her coffers, and 
furnished her factories among the mountains with an abund- 
ance of that staple which the native Indians are as unused 
as they are unwilling to cultivate. Had Mexico been even 
as wise as Philip, in 1609, and saved her punctilious honor 
by a twelve years truce, she would only have postponed the 
settlement of her difficulties, until her internal affairs became 
sufficiently pacific to enable a firm government to act with 
discretion and justice. 

Since the year 1843 the Texas question has been so much 
a matter of party dispute in the United States that the true 
history of the revolt seems to be almost forgotten. I shall 
not hesitate therefore to recount some of the events connected 
with it, because they are relevant to the issue between us and 
Mexico, as Avell as necessary to the elucidation of the justice 
of her quarrel. 

It is an error that the Texan rebellion was conceived in a 
spirit of sheer fraud upon Mexico; and writers who seek to 
stigmatize it thus are entirely ignorant of its origin. 

The contest that arose between the central and federal 
parties in Mexico immediately after the establishment of in- 
dependence has been narrated in a preceding chapter. The 
fiysi federal constitution is an almost literal copy of our own ; 
but its equitable and progressive principles did not suit the 
military despots who, whilst they commanded the army, held 
the physical power of Mexico in their hands. The conse- 
quence was that during the administration of the first presi- 
dent, Victoria, there were pro7iunciainientos against federa- 



44 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

tion and in favor of centralism, by Padre Arenas, and at 
Tulancingo, under the "plan of Montayno." Quarrels 
in the party lodges of the Yorkinos and Escossceses — the 
liberalists and centralists — next arose; — and, finally, the 
revolution under the " plan of Toluca," destroyed the cher- 
ished constitution of 1 824, by striking a death blow at the 
federative principle. This plan vested the power in a central 
government, abolished State legislatures, and changed those 
States into departments under the control of military gover- 
nors, who were responsible to the chief authorities of the na- 
tion alone. These principles were embodied in the new 
constitution of 1836, and were, of course, distasteful to every 
friend of genuine liberty.* 

Meanwhile, the beautiful province of Texas had not been 
an unconcerned spectator of events. Bordering on the Gulf 
of Mexico, and stretching along our Southern boundary, it 
contained an extensive territory, fine rivers, wide prairies, and 
a soil capable of maintaining near ten millions of people. — 
Such a country naturally attracted the attention of the peo- 
ple of the United States, numbers of whom are always rea- 
dy, with the adventurous spirit that characterises our race, to 
seek new lands and improve their fortunes by emigrating 
from the crowded places of their birth. The project of colo- 
nizing Texas, had, therefore, struck an intelligent citizen of 
our country; and, on the 17th of January, 1821, Moses Aus- 
tin obtained permission from the supreme government of the 
eastern internal provinces of New Spain at Monterey, to settle 
a colony of emigrants in Texas. Accordingly, in the fol- 
lowing winter, his son, Stephen F. Austin, who undertook 
the enterprize in obedience to a testamentary request of his 
father, appeared on the Brazos with the first Anglo-Ameri- 
can settlers. 

* Mexico as it was and as it is, pp. 336, 339. Foote's History of Texas. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 45 

In January, 1S23, a national colonization law, approved 
by the Emperor Iturbide, was adopted by the Mexican con- 
gress, and, on the 18th of February, a decree was issued au- 
thorizing Austin to proceed with the founding of his colony. 
This decree, after Iturbide's abdication and the downfall of 
the Imperial government, was confirmed by the first execu- 
tive council in accordance with a special order of the Mexi- 
can congress. 

In 1824, the federal constitution was adopted and pro- 
claimed as the established polity of the land; — and, at this 
period, the character of Texas begins for the first time to as- 
sume an independent aspect, for, by a decree of the 7th of 
May, it was united with Coahuila, and, under the name of 
Coahuila and Texas, formed one of the constituent, sover- 
eign States of the Mexican confede^ac3^ Up to this period, 
whilst all was proceeding well in the capital, the scheme of 
emigration, seems to have met with no discouragement. By 
an act passed in August, 1824, another general colonization 
law was established; — and, by a *S'/«^e colonization law of 
Coahuila and Texas, foreigners were invited to settle within 
the limits of that especial jurisdiction. Thus it was that 
State sovereignty first accrued to Texas and Coahuila under 
the federal system, — a system similar to the one under which 
the colonists had formerly lived in our Union and under 
which, by the adoption of their own State laws, they signi 
fied their willingness to become members of the Mexican 
confederacy. This State sovereignty was never resigned, 
but, on the contrary, was always distinctly asserted. The 
federation existed precisely for the same purposes that the 
union of our States was formed ; and, as soon as the consti- 
tution was destroyed by intrigue and revolutionary violence 
in 1835, the several States were remitted to their inherent 
rights, independent of any military despot who succeeded in 



46 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

seizing the central power. Meanwhile our people had 
flocked to Texas under the belief that a constitution which 
was a transcript of our own, would secure peace and pros- 
perity to settlers. Accustomed to find laws observed and the 
constitution indestructible, they expected to encounter the 
same regularity and firmness in that virgin State. They 
were indubtrious in their pursuits, and willing to abide the 
settlement of all quarrels in the capital ; nor was it until 
long after the federal and centralist disputes connnenced, 
that they began even to notice the political convulsions 
which were so ominous of disaster. The quiet and orderly 
conduct of our emigrants was, nevertheless, not regarded so 
favorably by the Mexicans. The rapidly growing strength 
of the Texans and their strict devotion to republicanism, at- 
tracted the jealousy of the supreme government; and when 
a Mexican begins either to fear or to doubt, the provocation 
/ is quite enough to convert him into an oppressor. Accord- 
■^^ ingly, on the 6th of April, 1830, an arbitrary law was passed 
by which the future immigration of American settlers to 
Texas was prohibited. Military posts of surveillance were 
established over the State, and ignorant and insolent soldiers 
of another race, began to domineer over a people whom they 
regarded as inferiors. At length the civil authorities of 
Texas were entirely disregarded, and the emigrants hitherto 
unused at home or abroad to an ai-med police, or to the sight 
of a uniform except on parade days, suddenly found them- 
selves subjected to the capricious tyranny of military rule.* 

On the 26th of June, 1832, the colonists took arms against 
this despotic interference with their constitutional freedom and 
beseiged and captured the fort at Velasco. The garrison at 
Anahuac and that at Nacogdoches, were next reduced; and, 
in December of that year, when hostilities were suspended 
; * Document No. 40, H. of R. 25th cong. 1st sess. p. 4. 




MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 47 

between Santa Anna and Bustaniante, the colonists were 
again restored to tlie enjoyment of their rights guarantied 
under ihe constitution. 

In May 1824, Texas had been promised a separate State 
constitution as soon as she was prepared for it, but upon ap- 
plication to congi-ess in 1833, after framing a suitable instru- 
ment in general convention at San Felipe, her request was 
denied. In 1835 the crisis at length arrived. The federal 
constitution fell. The resistance of s^eral States to this des- 
potism Avas suppressed by force. Thelegislature of Cohuila 
and Texas was dispersed at the point of the bayonet. Za- 
catecas, a brave stronghold of federalism, was assaulted by 
the central chiefs and her people butchered. And, finally, 
the whole republic, save Texas, yielded to Santa Anna. 

As this state at once resolved to maintain lier sovereignty 
and federative rights, corresponding committees of safety and 
vigilance were promptly formed in all the municipalities. 
An immediate appeal to arms proclaimed the people's reso- 
lution to adhere to the constitution ; and at Gonzales, Goliad, 
Bexar, Conception, Sepantillan, San Patricio, and San An- 
tonio, they were victorious over the centrahsts. In Novem- 
ber, 1835, the delegates of the Texan people assembled in 
" general consultation," and declared that " they had taken 
up arms in defence of the federal constitution of 1824, and 
that they would continue faithful to the Mexican confederacy 
as long as it should be governed by the laws that were framed 
for the protection of their political rights; that they were no 
longer morally or politically bound by the compact of union; 
yet, stimulated by the generous sympathy of a free people, 
they offered their assistance to such members of the confed- 
eracy as would take up arms against military despotism. 
This patriotic manifesto declaring at once the freedom of 
Texas and offering to other parts of Mexico a defensive alii- 



48 



HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 



/ 



ance in favor of constitutional liberty, found no response 
from the overawed States, and thus Texas was abandoned 
to the mercy of a military president, who signalized his cam- 
paign of 1836 by acts of brutality which must forever con- 
sign his name to infamy."* Notwithstanding Santa Anna's 
successes at San Antonio and his frightful massacres, Gen- 
eial Houston, the commander of the Texan forces, met and 
conquered the Mexicans on the 21st of April, 1836, in the 
brilliant action at Sai^acinto, and thenceforth, in the em- 
phatic language of an American statesman " the war was at 
an end."f 

"No hostile foot found rest" Avilhin her territory for six or 
seven years ensuing this event, and Mexico, by confining her 
assaults to border forays practically abstained from all efforts 
to re-establish her dominion.| In this peaceful interval the 
country rapidly filled up with emigrants ; adopted a constitu- 
tion; established a permanent government, and obtained an 
acknowledgement of her independence by the United States 
and other powers. It Avas then supposed that nearly one 
bundled thousand people occupied the territory ; and, in 
1837, tliey sought to place themselves under the protection 
of our confederacy. But our government declined the pro- 
position made through the Texan plenipotentiary, upon the 
ground that the treaty of amity and peace between the 

* A full account of this campaign will be found in a work entitled " Pri- 
mera Campaga de Tejas," published in Mexico in August 1837, by Don 
Ramon Martinez Caro, who was Santa Anna's military secretary during 
the campaign. He treats his former chief with unsparing severity, and 
very clearly attributes to him all the ferocious acts of the Vi^ar. In Thomp- 
son's " Recollections of Mexico," a conversation of the ex-minister with 
Santa Anna will be found, in which his exculpation is attempted, pp. 68, 
et seq. 

t Mr. Webster's letter to Waddy Thompson, 8th July, 1842. 

I Webster to Thompson iit antea. 



MEXICO ANr> THE UNITED STATES. 49 

United States and Mexico should not be violated by an act 
which necessarily involved the question of war with the ad- 
versary of Texas.* 

This brief history of the Texan revolt against centralism^ 
seems to place the authorities of that country on a firm basis 
of natural and constitutional right. In the constant con- 
flicts that have taken place throughout Mexico between the 
federalists and centralists, or rather between democracy and 
despotism, Texas attempted no more than any of the liberal 
States of Mexico would have done, had not the free voice of 
educated patriots been elsewhere stifled by military power. 
The only difference between them is, that in Texas there 
was an Anglo-American population bold and stiong enough 
to maintain republicanism, whilst in Mexico, the mongrel race 
of Spaniards and Indians was too feeble to resist eflfectually. ■^ 

From 1S36 to 1846 Santa Anna diligently persevered in 
the support of his central usurpation. But in the latter year 
the principles of the Texan revolution obtained a decided 
victory over military despotism, and even Santa Anna him- 
self, who had been the originator of all the revolutions of his 
country, the disturber of its peace, and destroyer of its politi- 
cal morality was forced to make a humiliating confession of 
his errors. 

It will be remembered that he was exiled from Mexico in 
the year 1845, and resided in Havana until the summer of 
1846, when a revolution against the government of Paredes 
prepared the way for his return. On the 8th of March, 1846, 
in writing to a friend a letter which has since been published 
he declares that: " the love of provincial liberties being firmly 

♦Letter of Mr. Forsyth to General Hunt, 25th Aug. 1847. Doc. No. 
40, H. of R., 25th congress, 1st session. 

7 



50 HISTORY OF THE WAR RKTWEEN 

rooted in the minds of all, and the democratic principle pre- 
dominating every where, nothing can be established in a 
solid manner, in the country, which does not conform with 
these tendencies; nor without them can we attain either 
order, peace, prosperity, or respectability among foreign na- 
tions. To draw every thing to the centre, and thus to 
give unity of action to the republic, as I at one time con- 
sidered best, is no longer possible; nay more, I say it is dan- 
gerous; it is coritrary to the object which I proposed for myself 
in the unitarian system, because we thereby expose ourselves 
to the separation of the northern departments, which are the 
most clamorous for freedom of internal administration." * 

In this remarkable retraction of Santa Anna's despotic 
principles, Texas finds a perfect vindication of her revolt. 
It would have been well for Mexico had her military presi- 
dent been willing to make the same concessions before the 
memorable battle of San Jacinto! 

* Translation of a letter from General Santa Anna, in Mexico as it was 
and as it is. — 4tli edition, page 414. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Origin of the war continued — Proposed annexation of Texas to the United 
States by treaty — Efforts of several administrations to recover Texas 
after the Florida treaty — President Tyler's objects — Mexican opinions — 
British intrigue — British views relative to Texas — Defeat of the treaty 
in the senate — French opinions. 

There is no doubt tJiat although the government of the 
United States was anxious to preserve a strict neutrality be- 
tween the belhgerents in 1837, and, thus, to avoid assuming 
the war with Mexico by annexing an insurgent State, it, 
nevertheless, refused the proffered union with regret. From 
the earliest period, our statesmen contended that, by the 
Louisiana treaty, we acquired a title to Texas extending to 
the Rio Grande, and that we unwisely relinquished our title 
to Spain by the treaty of 1819 which substituted the Sabine 
for the Rio Grande as our western boundaiy.* But, divested 
as we were by solemn compact with Spain, of what may 
have been our territory under the treaty with France, it was 
idle to regard Texas as a proper subject for restoration to 
the Union whilst active hostilities were waged by Mexico. 
Nevertheless, such was the evident value of the province, 

* See Mr. Clay's letter on the Texas question, Raleigh, N. C, April, 
1844. I shall discuss the boundary elsewhere in this volume. When 
Texas offered herself in 1837 to the United States it was only two years 
after Mexico had overthrown the federal constitution, and not even one 
after the battle of San Jacinto. A great change however took place in 
the general aspect of affairs between that period and the final annexation. 



52 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

and such the anxiety to regain our ancient hmits that be- 
fore the outbreak of the revohition, Mr. Clay, as secretary of 
state under the administration of Mr. Adams, in March of 
the years 1825 and 182 J, directed Mr. Poinsett, our envoy 
in Mexico, to negotiate for the transfer of Texas. This di- 
rection was repeated by Mr. Van Buren to our minister in 
August, 1829; and was followed by similar instructions 
from Mr. Livingston on the 20th of March, 1833, and by 
Mr. Forsyth on the 2d of July, 1835. President Jackson, 
however, was not contented with negotiations for that pro- 
vince alone; but, looking forward, with statesmanlike fore- 
cast, to the growth and value of our commerce in the Pacific 
ocean as well as on the west coast of America, he required 
the secretary of state, in August, 1835, to seek from Mexico 
a cession of territory, whose boundary, beginning at the 
mouth of the Rio Grande, would run along the eastern bank 
of that river to the thirty-seventh degree of latitude, and con- 
tinue thence, by that parallel, to the Pacific. This demand, 
if granted by Mexico, not only secured Texas, but would 
have included the largest and most valuable portion of Cali- 
fornia together with the noble bay of San Francisco, in 
which our navy and merchantmen might find a safe and 
commodious refuge.* 

Our anxiety to reannex Texas by peaceable negotiation 
was not met, however, by a correspondent feeling upon the 
part of Mexico. 

Mr. Poinsett, on his return from Mexico, informed Mr. 
Clay that he had forborne even to make an overture for the 
repurchase of Texas, because he knew that such a negotia- 
tion would be impracticable, and believed that any hint of 
our desire would aggravate the irritations already existing 

* Executive document, No. 42, H. of R., 25th congress, 1st session, con- 
tains the letters referred to. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 53 

between the countries.* The events which subsequently 
transpired in Texas, during the period when emigration in- 
creased from the United States, to that of the actual outbreak 
of hostilities, prevented the formation, in Mexico, of any- 
party favorable to such an enterprise ; and, after the war be- 
gan, .all hope of negotiation between us was dispelled. 

"A leading member of the Mexican cabinet once remarked 
to me," says Mr. Thompson, in his Recollections of Mexico,t 
" that he believed the tendency of things was towards the an- 
nexation of Texas to the United States, and that he greatly 
preferred sucli a result either to the independence of Texas 
or any connection or dependence of Texas upon England ; 
that if it became an independent power, other departments 
of Mexico would unite with it either voluntarily or by con- 
quest, and that if there was any connexion between Texas 
and England, English merchandize would be smuggled into 
Mexico through Texas to the utter ruin of Mexican manu- 
factures and revenue. 

" In one of my last interviews with Santa Anna," con- 
tinues the American minister, " I mentioned this conversa- 
tion. He replied with great vehemence that he would ' war 
forever for the reconquest of Texas, and that if he died in 
his senses his last words should be an exhortation to his 
countrymen never to abandon the effort to recover the pro- 
vince ; ' and, added he : ' you know, sir, very well, that to 
sign a treaty for the alienation of Texas would be the same 
thing as signing the death warrant of Mexico, for, by the 
same process, the United States would take one after another 
of the Mexican provinces, until they possessed them all.'" 

Such were the feelings of Mexico in regard to annexation, 
and such the anxieties in cabinets of all parties in the United 

* Mr. Clay's letter on annexation, ut antea, 
t Recollections of Mexico, p. 238. 



54 HISTORY OF 'J'HE WAR BETWEEN 

States to restore our ancient limits, when the presses of our 
country intimated, in the year 1844, that President Tyler 
was negotiating a treaty of union with Texas as an indepen- 
dent power. It was on the eve a presidential canvass; and 
whilst the incumbent of the executive chair sought very 
naturally to present himself to the people with the successful 
results of a popular and beneficial negotiation, there were 
other candidates who opposed the measure botli on principle 
and policy, as well as on account of the mode in which it 
was to be effected. 

I might very properly in this historical sketch pass over 
the narrative of annexation, and, deal with the union, ulti- 
mately effected between Texas and the United States as the 
only important fact. Texas, bound to the Norih American 
confederacy by a solemn act of congress,— the indisputable 
constitutionality of which is implied in its passage, — is, in- 
deed, the only subject which the historian is compelled to 
regard. Whatever results ensued, whether they were per- 
ceived and predicted by the statesmen of the time, or, were 
entirely latent until developed during the last two years, 
must be entirely attributed to the act of congress wl^ich con- 
summated annexation and reposed in the hands of a presi- 
dent the executive power of solemnizing the union. Never- 
theless, I believe it due to impartial history that I should 
state concisely the causes which seem to have provoked an- 
nexation, and, indeed, rendered it almost necessary at the 
time when it occurred. 

We have seen that active hostilities by Mexico against the 
insurgents had either ceased for nearly seven years, or had 
been confined to such border forays as resembled predatory 
incursions rather than civilized hostilities. Statesmen, in all 
parties, regarded the war as ended ; for Mexico, impoverished 
by the thriftless administrations that ruled and plundered her 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 55 

during the short intervals between her revolutions, was in no 
condition to cany it on with reasonable prospects of success. 
France, England, Belgium and the United States, had ac- 
knowledged Texan independence and established diplomatic 
relations with the republic. Emigrants settled the interior, 
and invited accessions. The constitution and laws of the 
nation were fixed upon a firm basis, while the government 
was conducted with abihty. A lucrative commerce from 
foreign countries began to pour into the territory. New 
towns sprang up every where, and Texas exhibited to the 
world every evidence of an orderly, well regulated govern- 
ment, with infinitely greater strength and stability than the 
military republic from which she was divorced. Mexico, 
nevertheless, refused to recognize her independence notwith- 
standing her inability to make any effort for reconquest. 
The leading men of Texas anxiously desired that their 
national independence should continvie, and the moral sense 
of the world, in contrasting the superior progress of the 
Anglo-American race with the anarchy and feebleness of 
Mexico, was naturally solicitous to behold the infant colony 
successful rather than to see it fall a prey to the passions of 
a people with whom it had no sympathy, and, in whose vic- 
tor}^ they might witness the outpouring of a pent up wrath 
which would never cease in its vindictive persecutions until 
the province was entirely desolated.* This was not alone 

* It was evidently the intention of Mr. Webster, whilst secretary of state, 
to adopt some prudent scheme for the settlement of the war between Texas 
and Mexico. In January, 1843, he addressed a despatch to Mr. Thomp- 
son, who was then our envoy in Mexico, in which he directs him to use his 
good offices with the Mexican secretary to mitigate the animosity of the 
government. " Mexico," says he, "has an undoubted right to resubjugate 
Texas, if she can, so far as other states are concerned, by the common and 
lawful means of war. But other States are interested, — especially the United 
States, a near neighbor of both parties, are interested, — not only in the restorai/ion 



56 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

the common feeling in the United States, but it prevailed in 
Europe also. The British minister of foreign affairs, Lord 
Aberdeen, and that zealous partizan of liberty, Lord Brough- 
am, took occasion in the house of peers in August, 1843, to 
express their solicitude as to the prospects of Texas. Lord 
Brougham characterized it as a country as large as France, 
possessing the greatest natural capabilities, but, at the same 
time he perceived in it an embryo state, (a large portion of 
whose soil was adapted to cultivation by white labor,) which 
might become a boundary and barrier against the slavery of 
the United States of America. If, by the good offices of 
England, Mexico could be induced to acknowledge Texan 
independence upon the condition of abolishing slavery, he 
suggested the hope that it would lead to the extinction of 
slavery in the southern States of our Union. 

Lord Aberdeen replied to Lord Brougham, that England 
had not only acknowledged her independence, but had also 
negotiated with Texas a treaty of commerce as well as one 
for the abolition of the slave trade. He did not believe that 
there was any importation of slaves into Texas by sea, but, 
he alleged, there was a large influx of slaves from the United 
States to that country. As soon as negotiations were com- 
menced with Texas, the utmost endeavors of England had 
been used to end the war which prevented the full recogni- 

of peace between them, hut also in the manner in which the war shall be conducted 
if it shall continue. These suggestions may suffice for what you are re- 
quested to say amicably and kindly to the Mexican secretary, at present ; 
but I may add, for your information, that it is in the contemplation of this go- 
vernment to remonstrate, in a more formal mamier, ivith Mexico, at a penod not 
far distant, unless she shall consent to make peace with Texas, or shall show the 
disposition and ability to prosecute the loar with respectable forces. Executive 
document, No. 271, H. of R., 28th cong., 1st ses., p. 69. 

For the opinions of French statesmen on this question see the debate be- 
tween Guizot, Thiers, Berreyer and others, reported in vol. 70, of Niles' 
Register, p. 25, 26. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES, 57 

tion of the independence of Texas by Mexico; but alJ their 
endeavors had been met by difficulties, although he was 
happy to declare that an armistice had been established be- 
tween tlie two powers which he hoped would lead to the 
absolute acknowledgment of her independence. In the ex- 
isting state of negotiations between the parties, however, he 
thought it would not contribute to an useful end to express 
any opinion as to the state of those negotiations, nevertheless 
he assured his noble friend that the matter would be pressed 
by every means in the power of her majesty's ministers. 

The answei' of Lord Brougham to this convei'sational 
speech of the minister of foreign affairs, was brief but omi- 
nous. Nothing, he declared, could be more satisfactory to 
him, whilst the statement of his lordship "would be hailed 
with joy by all who were favorable to the object of anti- 
slavery societies."* 

I do not design in this history to discuss either the slavery 
question or the British project of propagating seditious 
opinions upon negro servitude by means of diplomacy on this 
continent. But, when we remember the guaranties of our 
constitution and the preponderence of the black population 
in our southern States, it must be conceded that it requires 
no great degree of sensibility to alarm the w^iite inhabitants 
of that section and to render them anxious to counteract the 
avowed machinations of Great Britain. The abstract ques- 
tion of the right of slavery is altogether distinct from slavery 
as it exists in this Union, and as the foundation of property, 
population, labor, and, even, existence in the south. 

For many years past the fanaticism of freedom has been 

* Debates in the British house of lords, Friday 18th August, 1843, re- 
ported in the London Morning Chronicle of the 19th ; and see executive 
document, No. 271, H. of R., 28th congress, 1st session. 
S 



58 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

waning against slavery, until it has created in our country a 
fanaticism of slavery which was quite as relentless in its ob- 
stinacy. It was therefore, natural that individuals who had 
refused our own congress the right to interfere with slaver)'', 
by aeiiying the privilege of petition for the abolition of sla- 
very in the District of Columbia, should resist most ardently 
the Jesuitical propagandism of a foreign power. 

This was a question of grave importance to the south. It 
was an avowal of European policy that struck a death blow at 
American property ; nor was it therefore at all surprising to 
see Mr. Calhoun, our secretary of state, who was a native 
and inhabitant of that part of the union, at once seize upon 
the project of prompt annexation as the only means of coun- 
teracting the evils of British diplomacy. If expressions, 
similar to those used by Lords Aberdeen and Brougham in 
the English parliament, had been casually uttered in the 
warm debates of our congress, perhaps but litde attention 
would have been paid them by reflecting men ; yet the most 
trifling observations of British statesmen always deserve no- 
tice, because the}' are well pondered and deliberate!)^ made. 
The opinions of Lord Brougham, assented to by tlie silence 
of Lord Aberdeen, had consequently an emphatic signifi- 
cance; and aUhough the British minister of foreign affairs, 
as well as the envoy at Washington, subsequently disclaimed 
any attempt to interfere with the internal system of the 
United States, yet there can be no doubt that they wished 
to modify the condition and laws of a southern neighbor so 
as to effect indirectly what prudence taught them to avoid 
openly.* "Great Britain," said Lord Aberdeen, in a de- 

* Ex. Doc. No. 271, H. of R., 28 cong., 1st sess. p. 48, et scq : — In an in- 
terview between Lord Aberdeen and Mr. Everett, in November, 1843, the 
secretary of foreign affairs told him that England had long been pledged to 
encourage the abolition of the slave trade and of slavery, as far as her influ- 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 59 

spatch to the Hon. Mr. Pakenham, on the 2Gili December, 
1843, "does not desire to establish in Texas, whether par- 
tially dependent on Mexico or entirely independent, an)^ 
dominant influence. She only wishes to share her influence 
equally with other nations. Her objects are purely commer- 
cial, and she has no thought or intention of seeking to act 
directly or indirectly, in a political sense, on the United 
Slates tlirough Texas." 

It cannot be expected — for it is not the nature or policy 
of governments — that statesmen should disclose to each other, 
with perfect frankness, all their international ambitions, 
projects or hopes. A wise diplomacy conceals these things 

ence extended and in every proper way, but had no wish to interfere with 
the internal concerns of governments. In reference to Texas, he said that 
"the suggestion that England had made or intended to make the abolition 
of slavery the condition of any treaty arrangement with her was wholly 
without foundation." — id. page 38. The direct interference of England in 
the internal nffnirs of other governments has often been very distinctly 
manifested notv.'ithstanding Lord Aberdeen's disavowal. There is scarce- 
ly a country in Europe which has been unvisited by her arms or her diplo- i 
macy, either when it became her interest to do so, or when she had the / 
necessary force to make success unquestionable. Her policy is, perhaps, / 
not so much one of ambition as of avarice or necessity. She must feed her 
multitudes at home ; and an extension of her v/ide spread commerce, with 
co-extensive privileges in new countries, will open new sources of wealth 
to her people. Nations are not to be blamed for seeking such advantages ; 
but the nearer neighbor should be equally blameless for grasping, if possi- 
ble, the benefit for herself, so as to keep off a dangerous rival and secure 
the revenues which otherwise would flow into that rival's coffers. 

The excursive philanthropy of England was admirably depicted by the 
Frenchman, who, according to the London Times remarked that: " Your 
Englishman knov/s all about Timbuctoo, or Hindoostan, or the frozen re- 
gions about the North Pole; but ask him about Ireland, the coimtry lying 
next his own, and he is perfectly innocent of any information on the sub- 
ject. Africa he investigates — Ireland he neglects. He weeps for the suf- 
fering of the negro, but allows his Irish fellow subject to live in ignorance 
and filth, and often to die of starvation." 



60 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

whilst in progress. But all governments take means to ob- 
tain secretly, as far as they are able, an insight into the views 
of each other. The diplomacy of the United States, al- 
though generally very frank, is nevertheless employed some- 
times in this way, and, I believe our records will show, that 
wherever it became necessary for our departments to get in- 
formation upon projects touching the interests of our country, 
they have always found means to discover the truth. 

It is fortunate for the history of this annexation question 
that the commercial designs alluded to by Lord Aberdeen 
have been revealed to us. Some of the statements are made 
anonymously, yet, from the very nature of such disclosures 
whilst negotiations were pending, it cannot be expected that 
the names of informants would be revealed. Their value 
and character must be vouched for alone by the officers who 
communicale then) to the world, and deem them sufficient 
to authorize the action of government. The authorities, to 
I which I allude, were communicated to congress by President 
Tyler in May, 1844, and were submitted to him by Mr, 
Calhoun, as secietary of state, on the 16th of that ]nonth.* 

By a convention, concluded in London on the 14th of 
November, 1S40, between Her Majesty's government and 
the republic of Texas, it was agreed that the queen should 
tender her good offices to Mexico as mediator between the bel- 
ligerents. Mexico, however, saw fit to reject this offer. Bui 
Texas, still animated by a desire for peace, sought to obtain 
a triple mediation of the three great powers, — the United 
States, France and England, — with the hope that under 
their auspices a settlement might speedily be made. To this 
arrangement, the governments of France and the United 
States assented with alacrity ; while the government of Great 

* Ex. Doc. No. 271, H. of R., 28th cong., 1st sess. p. 101, et seq. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 61 

Britain, though expressing an ardent desire to do all in its 
power by private mediatorial efforts, inclined to the opinion 
that it would be better, on all accounts, for each party to act 
alone, though similarly in point of tone and argument, in 
urging the Mexican government to recognize the indepen- 
dence of Texas. 

This suggestion was communicated through Lord Cowley 
the British ambassador in Paris, to the French government, 
by whom it was approved.* 

By this act of the British cabinet, it preserved its indepen- 
dence of all others, and abstained from combined action 
which would, necessarily, have disclosed its motives as well 
as its conduct. The objects of the ministers in retaining 
their independence of all other cabinets will novv' become 
more manifest. 

If an abstract love of liberty is, indeed, the true cause wh}'^ 
England seeks to abolish slavery througliout the world and 
has set the example of emancipation in her West India colo- 
nies, she may really deserve the high commendation of phi- 
lanthropists. But it cannot be denied that whilst she dif- 
fuses a spirit of individual freedom, she does not regret to 
behold national dependence on herself established by interest 
and necessity. We find among the documents transmitted 
to congress by President Tyler, a number of private letters, 
in which it is alleged that the primary object of Great Bri- 
tain's interference was to prevent absolute annexation to the 
United States. Indeed, Lord Aberdeen, in May, 1844, de- 
clared to Mr. Everett that he '•' shared witli liord Broughanj 
the hope and belief that the treaty for annexation would not 
be ratified by our senate."! 

If the independence of Texas could be secured on the 

* Id.— p. 70. Letter of Mr. Van Zandt to Mr. Webster, 
t Id— p. 100. Washington, 24th January, 1843. 



62 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

only probable ground upon which Mexico would acknow- 
ledge it, — a pledge that she would not subsequently join the 
United States; — and if so desirable a result, — which appealed 
directly to the ambition and vanity of the leading men of 
Texas, could be effected by the secret negotiations of her 
ministers, England foresaw that she would obtain a decided 
advantage over us in future negotiations, without a positive 
treaty stipulation to that effect. Texas, with every element 
of prosperity in her people and territory, was war-worn, and 
suffering from pecuniary embarrassments in which her revo- 
lution plunged her. For an agricultural and commercial 
people, peace and stability, under almost any liberal govern- 
ment, are all that is requisite to insure progress. England, 
a free, maratime and manufacturing country, deeply inter- 
ested in Mexico as a purchaser, and in the United States as 
a rival, was precisely the nation to secure these advantages 
for Texas, especially as that republic offered o. point cPappui 
which she could not find elsewhere on this continent. 

The " free trade " policy of Great Britain was consequently 
addressed to the cupidity of Texas as a bewitching allure- 
ment; and this was, perhaps, secretly coupled with pecu- 
niary offers which would enable her to struggle against ad- 
verse fortune during the first years of independence. 

This liberal system, while it attracted to England the cot- 
ton of Texas in British vessels, would necessarily raise the 
national duties of the . republic to the highest standard on 
American produce and provisions, at the same time that it 
introduced the manufactures of England without imposts. 
The schemers who had achieved emancipation in the Bri- 
tish West Indies* imagined that the same result might be 
produced in Texas by sufficient inducements, and that white 
labor or apprentices would supply the place of slaves, thus 

* See Lord Brougham's speech, ut antea. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 63 

Sticking an iadiiect blow at slavery in the southern States of 
our Union. Besides this, England would find a market for 
her manufactures which might temptingly address itself to 
the cupidity of the United States and of Mexico as well as 
of Texas. For, with such an extent of frontier on all sides, 
and with wastes between us, inhabited by a sparse or reck- 
less population, the greatest inducements would be offered to 
convert Texas into a smuggling ground not only for our 
Union but especially for Mexico, whence British fabrics are 
almost excluded by exhorbitant tariffs. The policy of Eng- 
land would thus affect simultaneously our manufactures as 
well as our commerce. Instead of sending her merchandize 
to New York, she would find in Galveston a readier market 
to supply our southern States through the medium of contra- 
band.* Her goods would naturally have been carried in 
British vessels, and thus the labor and commerce of the 
United States would be directly injured by England until 
we could afford to navigate and manufacture at cheaper 
rates, t 

* Any one who is familiar with the condition of our Canadian frontier 
v/ill understand the ease with which smuggling in British fabrics is carried 
on between the countries. An extensive business has, doubtless, always 
been sustained ; and it is not unusual even for the ladies of certain towns 
along the frontier, to shop in Canada, with the understanding that their pur- 
chases are to be delivered at the risk of the Bntish verider, on the other side of 
the Jimerican line ! 

t Executive document, 271, H. of R., 28th cong., 1st sess. Letter of 
Mr. Allen to Hon. R. J. Walker, and other letters copied on pages 103 and 
105 of the same document. 

The government of the United States entertained such views of the 
grasping policy of England for reasons which are clearly set forth in an 
able despatch from Mr. Calhoun to Mr. King, our envoy at the court of 
France. "The question," says the secretary of state, " is, by what means 
can Great Britain regain and keep a superiority in tropical cultivation, 
commerce and influence .' Or shall that be abandoned and other nations, 
suffered to acqubre the supremacy even to the extent of supplying British 



64 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

The impolicy of permitting our carrying trade and home 
market, in such a country, to pass out of our hands into 
those of a commercial rival, and the dangers of counteracting 
or creating a contraband system which would almost imme- 
diately ensue, commended this annexation promptly to the 
notice of President Tyler. He perceived in British supre- 
macy in Texas a multitude of evils. Collisions would arise 
which must endanger our peace. The power and influence 
of England would be intruded, geographically, on territory 
lying between us and Mexico. A large increase of our mili- 
tary forces would be necessary, not only to protect the United 
States from daily disputes with Texans, but to guard the 
border inhabitants against hostile inroads from Indians. 
Texas, he was authoritatively told, would seek the friend- 
ship of other nations if denied the protection of ours; and, in 
a condition of almost hopeless abandonment, would natu- 
rally fall an easy prey to any power that would protect her, 
should we refuse our alliance.* 

markets to the destruction of the capital already vested in their produc- 
tion? These are the questions which now profoundly occupy the attention 
of her statesmen and have the greatest influence over her councils. 

"In order to regain her superiority she not only seeks to revive and in- 
crease her own capacity to produce tropical productions, but to diminish 
and destroy the capacity of those who have so far outstripped her in con- 
sequence of her error. In pursuit of the former, she has cast her eyes to 
her East India possessions, to Central and Eastern Africa, with the view 
of establishing colonies there, and even to restore, substantially, the slave 
trade itself, under the specious name of transporting free laborers from 
Africa to her West India possessions, in order, if possible, to compete suc- 
cessfully with those who have refused to follow her suicidal policy. Her 
main reliance, however, is on the other alternative, to cripple or destroy 
the productions of her successful rivals. There is but one v/ay by which 
it can be done, and that is by abolishing African slavery throughout this 
continent ; and that she avows to be the constant object of her policy and 
exertions." Senate doc. No. 1, 28th cong. 1st sess. p. 44. 

* President Tyler's message to the senate, 22nd April, 1844. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 



65 



Such were some of the reasons that induced the president, 
in 1844, to direct Mr. Upshur, who was the secretary of state, 
to negotiate a treaty of annexation between the United States 
and Mexico, and thus, in his emphatic language, — "to break 
up and scatter to the winds the web of European intrigues."* 

This treaty was transmitted to the senate on the 22nd of 
April, 1S44, and immediately became the topic of discussion 
throughout the country. It was opposed and defended by 
some of the most distinguished men in the country. General 
Jackson pleaded that the golden moment might not be lost, 
and that we should not throw Texas into the arms of Eng- 
land.f Mr. Clay, whose nomination as a presidential can- 
didate was expected to be shortly made, and Mr. Van Buren 
whose name was also speedily to come before a democratic 
convention assembled to select a candidate for the chief 
magistracy, both published long and argumentative letters 
against the project. The debate on the treaty in the senate 
was eager, and able. The northern abolitionists regarded it 
as a measure frought with danger to their cause, and as the 
basis of perpetual slavery, whilst the southern slave owners 
hailed annexation as a boon, which, at least for a season, 
would stay the aggressive arm that was raised against their : 
rights and interests. 

At length, the senate finally rejected the treaty; but Presi- 
dent Tyler, by a message to the house of representatives, 
dated the 10th of June, transmitted the rejected document to 
the popular branch of the national legislature, so that, with- 
out suggesting the mode of annexation, the house of repre- 
sentatives might decide whether it should be accomplished in 
any shape. 



* Letter of President Tyler to the Richmond Enquirer in 1847. 
t President Jackson's letter 17th March, 1844, written in consequence of 
a private mission to him from President Houston of Texas. 

9 



66 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

At that moment, however, new elements of pohtical com- 
motion were intioduced in the nomination of Mr. Clay and 
Mr. Polk by the respective party conventions held in Balti- 
more, and the project passed from the national legislatme to 
the people for discussion during the presidential canvass. 

Note. — The opinions and arguments adduced by the president in support 
of annexation liave been singularly fortified by disclosures subsequent to 
the union between Texas and the United States. The British cabinet, 
mortified by defeat, has been silent upon the subject, but singular develop- 
ments were made in debate in the French chambers. On the 12th and 
20th of January, 1846, a discussion took place between Messieurs Guizot, 
Thiers, Berreyer and others, in which the Texas question, and the position 
of France, in the event of war between the United States and England, 
upon the Oregon question, was warmly debated. The minister, Guizot, 
alleged that in all the negotiations with Texas, France had sought com- 
mercial relations in consequence of the advantages offered of markets for 
French goods. He declared that it was his policy to interpose an indcpeiir 
dent State in the midst of Ike United States, and that he believed it to be advisable 
to multiply the number of secondary independent States on our C07itinent, as the 
commei'cial and political interests of France would suffer materially by the 
foundation of a governmental unity in America. He watched our progress 
with a jealous eye, and he considered the policy of the United States in 
refusing to be the ally of any European power both right and wise in our 
view of the question. 

M. Thiers, the former minister, replied to M. Guizot; and, after assert- 
ing that Texas had been annexed to our Union " to the great displeasure 
of England, and, as far as could be discovered, to the great displeasure of 
France," he declared that it was the true interest of his government to 
place Texas under the patronage of a powerful nation like ours rather than 
to abandon it to the influence of England. " You are aware," said he, 
" that Texas is of great importance to the United States, and that its possession 
was anxiously desired by that power: J will add that never was an annexa- 
tion made in a more regular manner. For more than ten years Texas had 
been separated from Mexico, and all the powers, including France, had 
recognised it." He regarded the union of England and France in diplo- 
macy between Mexico, Texas, and the United States, as adopted only to 
redeem the faults of the French cabinet during the last five years, and as a 
truckling" peace-offering for its conduct on the question of the " right of 
search." But, of all the French orators and statesmen, none denounced 



CHAPTER V. 



Change of public feeling as to annexation — Election of President Polk — 
Mr. Clay defeated by the abolitionists — Almonte's threat — President Ty- 
ler attempts to soothe Mexico — His failure to do so — Mexican projects 
of reconquest — Want of confidence in Santa Anna — Loans — Downfall 
and disgrace of Santa Anna — His expulsion to Cuba — Herrera made pro- 
visional president — Congress of United States reconsiders annexation — 
Joint resolution passed with an alternative of negotiation — President 
Tyler adopts the first clause, and why — European intrigues — France and 
England operating on Texas and Mexico — Mexico offers independence 
provided Texas will not annex herself to the United States — Defeat of 
of the foreign scheme. 

When Congress met in December, 1844, a remarkable 
change had come over the pohtical worlAin the United States. 
The extraordinary popularity of Mr. Clay induced reflective 
men to believe, at the close of the last session, that he would 
be elected president, and that the prospects of immediate an- 
nexation would probably be blighted by that event. The 
great body of his partizans opposed the project of President 
Tyler; but the Democratic convention, assembled in Balti- 

the conduct of the cabinet with more zeal than the eloquent Berreyer. He 
proved by facts and documents that it was at the instance of England, and 
in subservience to her, that the French government interposed, (as v/ill be 
seen in the following chapter,) to maintain the separate independence of 
Texas: — "We have not limited ourselves" — exclaimed he — "to a wish 
and a counsel that Texas should retain her freedom, but we have been led 
to take a part in that which I regret I am compelled to regard as nothing 
else than an intrigue, which, unfortunately for our national dignity has 
borne all the marks of an intrigv,e, and has met, at last, its humiliation." — 
NUes' Register, vol. 70, pp. 25, 26, 27, 28, and vol. 68, p. 290. 



68 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

more, in May, inscribed the fortunes of Texas on its banner 
together with the name of that party's candidate. The 
south immediately ralUed around it, whilst the north as- 
sumed strange grounds of objection to the course of Mr. 
Clay. The Native American and Abolition parties in New 
York professed to vote with the friends of that gentleman in 
consequence of his opposition to annexation, and yet a suffi- 
cient number to defeat his election cast their ballots in direct 
contradiction ot their principles. This was but another lesson 
of the danger of confiding in men or parties who have but a 
single idea. The folly of fanaticism commonly leads to vio- 
lent inconsistencies, but perhaps a more palpable one was 
never exhibited than in the result of the presidential election 
of 1844. 

When the project of annexation was first discussed in 
1843 in the gazettes of the day, and before any decided ac- 
tion by the president or secretary of state, General Almonte, 
who was then Mexican envoy at Washington, protested earn- 
estly against the act, and even threatened, b}^ express order 
of his government, that on sanction being given to the in- 
corporation of Texas into the United States, he would con- 
sider his mission as ended, seeing that the Mexican govern- 
ment was lesolved to declare war as soon as it received infor- 
mation of such a deed.* 

But Mr. Tyler, disregarding the irascible temper of the 
minister and his government, despatched pacific and soothing 
instructions to our charge at Mexico, intimating a desire to 
act justly towards that republic, and to settle all questions 
growing out of the treaty as well as of boundary on the most 
liberal terms.f 

The Mexican government, however, would listen to no 

* Senate doc. No. 341, 28th cong. 1st sess. p. 95. 
t Senate doc. No. 1, 28th cong. 2d sess. p. 53. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 69 

proposals of accommodatioD. The Texan question, as we 
have seen, was always one of great annoyance to the Mexi- 
can authorities; for although they acknowledged, in effect, 
that their dominion was really lost over Texas, yet their na- 
tional pride and public feeling forced them to project, if they 
did not attempt, its reconquest.* Besides this, darkness was 
gathering around the fate of Santa Anna, who dared not un- 
dertake negotiations upon a subject so unpopular. 

When a new congress assembled in Mexico in January, 
1844, it was disposed to aid the executive in his scheme of 
reconquest. Four millions of dollars were therefore granted 
him ; but when he claimed ten millions for the same pur- 
pose, whilst it was notorious that the first grant had not yet 
been collected, the members of congress absolutely refused 
to sustain Santa Anna's measures for the recovery of the lost 
territory. This refusal was not grounded upon any aversion 
of the Mexicans from reconquest, but solely because they 
believed the money would be extorted from the pecmle only 
to be plundered by the president and his myrmidons. The 
politicians and country had alike, lost confidence in him; 
and Santa Anna, observing the rising storm, obtained per- 
mission from congress to retire to his estate of Manga de 
Clavo near the sea coast at Vera Cruz, whilst his friend Don 
Valentin Canalizo took his place in the capital as president 
ad interim. 

Santa Anna hardly reached his estate when a fatal blow 
was struck against his administration from the departmen- 
tal junta of Jalisco. This revolt was lead by General Pa- 
redes, and after a multitude of military and diplomatic 

* General Almonte, the Mexican envoy, in a conversation in New York, 
confessed to the writer, in the spring of 1843, that Texas was lost to Mexi- 
co, but that all then desired by his countrymen was to save the point of 
honor before they acknowledged its independence. 



70 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

manoeuvres, resulted in. Santa Anna's downfall on the 
4th of January, 1845. The ex-president fled towards 
the sea-coast; but was captured by a detachment of 
volunteers at the village of Jico, whence he was trans- 
ferred under a strong escort to the castle of Perote. It 
is difficult even to imagine the bitter wrath with which the 
Mexican people assailed the captured chief. He, who but 
a few months before exercised despotic sway over the land, 
was now a prisoner and at the mercy of the mob. His 
friends interposed in this emergency to save his life both from 
popular fury and judicial action which might make it the 
penalty of his misrule. The strife was long and anxious, 
but, at length, an amnesty was declared, under which Santa 
Anna departed for Cuba on the 29th of May, 1S45, accom- 
panied by his wife and daughter.* The fury of tlie people 
against the exile may be imagined from the fact that they 
exhausted every means by which they could manifest their 
hatred ©f his deeds and memory. They thronged the streets 
singing ribald songs, and hawking ridiculous caricatures; — 
they tore his pictures from the walls, and hurled his statutes 
from their pedestals; and, with the fiendishness of hyenas, 
they even snatched from the grave the leg he had lost in 
battle with the French at Vera Cruz, and tossed it about the 
streets of Mexico If 

The result of Santa Anna's downfall was the establish- 
ment of a provisional government under General Herrera, 
president of the council. This person is represented to have 
been a discreet officer, whose judgment naturally led him to 
see the wisdom of a pacific course towards the United States, 
but whose destiny was finally controlled by the rash and un- 
principled conduct of insurrectionary demagogues. 

* Mexico as it was and as it is, 4th Ed. Letter xxv. p. 367. 
t Id. page 382. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 71 

Meanwhile the congress of the United States reconsidered 
the Texan question, and after a long and ardent debate, 
finally passed a joint resolution for annexation, with an alter- 
native permission to the executive to negotiate, provided he 
thought proper to adopt that course. This was a solemn de- 
cision of the question by the representatives of the people, 
and it was sustained by the president who did not permit 
himself to be influenced by the threats of Mexico or the hos- 
tile preparations made by that country. In fact, Mr. Tyler 
had been careful to guard against military surprises, for, in 
consequence of the early menaces of Mexico, he deemed it 
his duty, as a precautionary measure, to concentrate in the 
gulf and its vicinity a large portion of the Home squadron 
under the command of Commodore Conner, and, at the 
same time to assemble at fort Jesup on the Texan border, as 
large a military force as the demands of the service at other 
encampments would allow. 

Thus, the joint resolution for annexing Texas to the 
United States, with its alternative power to negotiate, came 
to President Tyler and was approved by him on the 1st of 
March, 1845. On the fourth of the same month, James K. 
Polk, who had been chosen president of the United States, 
at the last election, was to assume the reins of government. 
President Tyler believed that the necessity for annexation 
was immediate and urgent in consequence of the reasons he 
had already presented to congress in his several messages. 
The only doubt therefore, that he experienced in making his 
selection, arose from a point of delicacy to his successor. 
The first section of the joint resolution authorized the erec- 
tion of a new State of our Union out of the republic of Texas 
under certain conditions contained in the second section; 
whilst the third authorized the president to negotiate with 
that republic for admission either by treaty to be submitted 



72 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

to the senate, or by articles of agreement to be presented to 
our houses of congress, as the president might direct. 

Under these circumstances a cabinet council was sum- 
moned for the 2nd of March, and the point was resolved by 
informing the president's successor, Mr. Polk, of the proposed 
action, and, if he desired it, submitting to his perusal the de- 
spatch to Texas. Mr. Calhoun, our secretary of state, at the 
president's request, accordingly waited upon Mr, Polk, ex- 
plained to him Mr. Tyler's selection of the first and second 
sections of the joint resolution, and expressed a readiness to 
exhibit the despatch to Mr. A. J. Donelson, who had been 
appointed charge to Texas.* Mr. Polk courteously declined 
expressing an opinion concerning the executive action, ac- 
companying his remark with some complimentary declara- 
tion; and, on that evening, a bearer of despatches with the 
requisite documents, was on his way to Mr. Donelson. f 

This is a brief and accurate summary of the history of an- 
nexation so far as the action of our government is involved, 
and as is necessary for this narrative. The terms of annexa- 
tion which were offered by the United States were accepted 
by Texas, and the public faith of both nations was solemnly 
pledged to a compact of union, which was finally consum- 
mated at the following session of congress, when Texas be- 
came a member of our confederacy. 

There were other circumstances, however, which properly 
induced the prompt course of President Tyler in sending the 
joint resolution for the action of Texas; but, in order to un- 

* House of Rep., doc. No. 2, 29th cong. 1st sess. p. 125. 

t The election of the 1st and 2nd sections of the joint resolution made by 
President Tyler was subsequently approved by President Polk, as he de- 
clares both in his negotiations and in his message to congress of the 2nd 
December, 1845. H. of R., Doc. No. 2, 29th cong. 1st session, p. 3. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 73 

derstand Uiese perfectly, it is necessary foj- us to direct our 
attention to the French and Enghsh negotiations between 
that repubHc and Mexico. In 1840, as we have seen, Eng- 
land preferred separate action on behalf of Texas, but she 
was now willing to unite with France against the aggran- 
dizement of the United States. Monsieur de SaUgny and the 
Hon. Mr. Elliott were the representatives of these European 
courts in Texas, and to the former of them was entrusted the 
active part of the diplomacy. Whilst the discussions were 
going on in the United States Mr, Elliott was never at rest. 
He was heard of in Charleston, in New Orleans, in Havana, 
in Mexico, and, again, in Texas. The restlessness of the 
agent denoted the anxiety of his government and of France. 

The rejection of the annexation treaty by congress, ini/ 
1844, had almost deprived Texas of hope. She believed it H 
impossible to expect a union with the United Slates, and \ 
was prepared to receive the mediation of France and Eng- 
land which would secure her independence. This was 
surely gratifying to the emissaries of these pov^ers and they 
eagerly undertook the task of obtaining the coveted boon 
from Mexico. The Mexican ministry, ever anxious to 
thwart the union with our confederacy, was equally pleased 
to avert it by any diplomatic ruse that would save the point 
of honor, and place her eiect before the world. Besides this, 
the Mexicans relied on a hope that increasing difficulties 
between the United States and England upon the Oregon 
boundary question, would make us loath to undertake a war 
with a southern neighbor whilst our north and our sea board 
were menaced by Great Britain. This hope of a counter- 
menace from England inspirited the Mexican cabinet and / 
made it solicitous to resist us successfully. Herrera's minis- { 
try was composed of discreet and patriotic men ; but, in the 
first moments of their oower, they dared not oppose popular 
10 



74 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

prejudices. The revolution which overthrew Santa Anna 
was one of the few that sprang from the popular branches 
of the nation, and originated neither in factions, the army, 
or the church, but derived its success from the universal feel- 
ing that existed against the oppressive misrule of the execu- 
tive.* Nevertheless popular feeling was against our country, 
and the cabinet took its tone from its patrons. 

There can be litde doubt of the fact, that the notion of 
I probable difficulties between the United States and England 

/ on the boundary question, was studiously fostered by emis- 

saries who were hostile to us. Herrera's cabinet therefore 
hailed with delight the propositions which were brought to 
\ Mexico by Mr. Elliott, and were presented by the Hon. 

! Charles Bankhead and Baron Alleye de Cyprey, the British 

and French ministers. These propositions, Sefior Cuevas 
laid before the Mexican congress on the 21st of April, 1845. 
The preliminary conditions offered by Texas, under French 
and English mediation, and transmitted from that republic 
by President Jones, on the 29th of March, were the following: 

1st. That Mexico shall consent to acknowledge the inde- 
pendence of Texas. 

2nd. That Texas shall engage and stipulate in the treaty 
not to annex herself to or become subject to any country 
whatever. 

3rd. The limits and other conditions shall be matter of 
arrangement by final treaty. 

4th. That Texas should be willing to remit disputed points 

concerning territory and other matters to the arbitration of 

umpires. 

These spiteful stipulations, evidently aimed against the 

United States, and bearing the marks of their European pa- 
rentage, suited the taste of Mexico precisely. Her congress, 

* Mexico as it was and as it is — p. 390, 4th ed. 



Mexico and the united states. 75 

therefore, at once deemed it advisable to entertain the Texan 
proposals, and to proceed to the celebration of a treaty. But 
when the Baron de Cyprey announced this assent to the 
president of Texas, on the 20th of May, it was already too 
late for the success of European diplomacy. Our congress 
had passed the joint-rosolution, our president had approved 
it, and our minister, Mr. Donelson, was in Texas preparing 
the cabinet to act favorably upon our propositions. Accord- 
ingly when Mr. Elliott returned in June to Texas in a French 
corvette, the public mind was already manifesting its anxiety 
to accede to our liberal offers, which were finally sanctioned 
by the Texan convention on the 4th of July, 1845. 

Had the resolution for annexation not been adopted at the 
preceding session of congress, the pretensions of Mexico, in- 
stead of being lowered, would have been raised still higher 
than they were on the receipt of the propositions from Presi- 
dent Jones. The mediatorial powers of Mr. Elliott would, 
in all probability, have been employed in negotiating truces 
and treaties until the foundation was laid for the operation 
of those peaceful means by which Lord Aberdeen declared 
it his intention to promote his philanthropic views. " Aban- 
doned by the United States, oppressed by debt, and wearied 
by the increasing burthens and privations of war, Texas 
would have been at the mercy of Britain, and her statesmen 
would have accepted almost any terms to secure indepen- 
dence and peace."* 

* Letter from Mr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan, 2nd June, 1845, H. of R., 
doc. No. 2, 29th cong. 1st sess. p. 52. I do not discuss the question of the 
7node of annexation, whether by treaty, joint resolution, or negotiation, as 
that would require almost a volume by itself to present a true sketch of 
the debate that occurred upon it. It is my purpose rather to narrate 
events than to discuss all the various subordinate questions arising from 
them. " Annexation," is made one of the great motives or causes for war 
by Mexico, no matter in what way it is effected or attempted. "Mexico 



CHAPTER VI. 



General Almonte demands passports and leaves — Shannon and Rejon and 
Cuevas — Views of the Mexican cabinet and people — Animosity — Revolt 
in Mexico — Political condition of Mexico — Her right of reconquering; 
Texas — Mr. Buchanan despatches Mr. Slidell as envoy — rejection of all 
accommodation between us — The reason v/hy Mexico I'fefused to nego- 
tiate, after promising to receive a commissioner from the United States — 
Subterfuges — 111 feeling in Mexico on the Texas question — Herera over- 
thrown by Paredes — Paredes and the monarchical party — Unpopularity 
of his scheme — Miserable state of Mexican affairs — Review of the Texas 
question. 

/ In March, 1845, as soon as congress passed the johit-reso- 



lution. Gen. Ahiionte demanded his passports and departed. 
A correspondence which took place in Mexico between Mr. 
Shannon, our envoy, and Sefior Rejon, the minister of fo- 
reign affairs, relative to the projected union resulted fruit- 
lessly; and, on the 2d of April, Senor Cuevas, who had suc- 
ceeded Rejon in office, announced to our legation that his 
government could neither continue diplomatic intercourse 
witli ours, nor maintain friendship with a republic that vio- 
lated her obligations and usurped a portion of Mexican ter- 
ritory. He declared, moreover, that the relations between 
the two countries could not be re-established before a com- 
plete reparation of that injury should be made.* 

would never agree to annexation j^^ — said Senor Cuevas, the Mexican secre- 
tary of foreign affairs, in April, 1845.— Mexico as it was and as it is. p. 
391, 4th ed. 

* Mexico as it was and as it is — see original letter in 4th ed. p. 387. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 77 

This violent and denunciatory language, together with the 
hint to our minister to depart, was of course not calculated 
to allay ill-feeling in either country. The Mexican congress 
was not less bitter in its animadversions, thereby spreading 
the animosity among the people. It promptly seconded the 
wishes of the cabinet, and offered two projects, both of which 
asserted the vmalienated rights of Mexico over Texas, and 
the national resolve to maintain them by force. 

Meantime, however, domestic discontent was again brew- 
ing. A certain Gen. Rangel attempted to revolutionize the 
government, and is said to have been favored by the parti- 
zans of the late administration. The insurgents seized the 
palace, capturing the president and three of his ministers of 
state ; but (hey were speedily overpowered and the insurrec- 
tion suppressed. In June and July of this year all the 
Mexican papers were loud in their clamors for vengeance. 
The minister of war, Garcia Conde, wrote despatch after 
despatch; and, with the usual spirit of national gasconade, 
denounced our "perfidy," and continually alluded to "the 
war which Mexico waged against the United States," in 
consequence of our " treachery." On the 16th of the latter 
month, he despatched to the minister of foreign relations and 
justice a note detailing a plan for covering the national fron- 
tiers, and asserted that Mexico would maintain her rights by 
force, or fall in the struggle. " She will not consent," says 
-he, " to give up one half of her territory from the base fear 
of losing the other!" 

Patriotic and stirring as are these declarations, they cannot 
but be regarded otherwise than as the most inflated bombast 
when we recollect that they were made in defiance of the 
United States, and after a failure for seven years to recon- 
quer even Texas, feeble as she was. What just hope could 
distracted Mexico reasonably entertain of ultimate victory? 



78 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

Several 3^eais before this period, her discreet statesmen and 
reflecting citizens privately acknowledged that Texas was 
lost forever. Pecuniary embarrassments, political misrule, 
and repeated revolutions had still more impaired her national 
strength, and yet, an obstinacy as inveterate as it was silly, 
forced her to make declarations of intended hostihties which 
only served to kindle and spread the excitement among the 
masses. 

It is just that we should concede to national pride and 
honor all they reasonably demand of respect, yet I have 
greatly misunderstood this spirit of our century, if it does 
not require nations to be as reasonable in their quarrels as 
individuals. Empires, kingdoms, states, republics, and men, 
are equally amenable to the great tribunal of the world's 
common sense, and all are obliged, if they consult their in- 
terests, to yield to the force of circumstances they cannot 
control. What then becomes of the mere abstract and vision- 
ary "right of reconquest" which Mexico asserted, even if 
she really possessed it after the central usurpation, and de- 
struction of the federal system in 1824? What hope was 
there in a war with the United States, after a failure in that 
with Texas? It is true that Mexico had the power to annoy 
us, and procrastinate her fate; she might oppose and resist; 
she might develope all the evil passions of her people and let 
them loose on our armies in irregular warfare ; but these, after 
all were nothing more than spiteful manifestations of impotent 
malice, disgraceful to the nation that encouraged them. The 
cause of genuine humanity, which, I believe, in our age, 
truly seeks for peace, demanded the pacification of Texas. 
The cruelty with which the war was waged, and the brutal 
treatment received by some of the prisoners of the Santa Fe 
expedition in 1841 and 1842, convince us that a strong 
power should have imposed peace on Mexico. National 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 79 

propriety demanded it; for how long was the " right of recon- 
quest" to continue? England, the proudest nation on earth, 
acknowledged the independence of the United States after a 
seven years war. The great powers of Europe interfered to 
protect oppressed Greece. England has several times inter- ; 
posed in the affairs of Spain and Portugal; and our geo- I 
graphical as well as political affinity to Texas clearly indi- i 
cated that it was our national interest to establish a firm and 
friendly government on our border. 

There can be no doubt that when General Herrera was, al- 
most unanimously, elected president in August, 1845, he saw 
things in this light, and was prudently disposed to bend to 
inevitable fate. Notwithstanding the warlike despatches, 
speeches, and proclamations of the Mexicans in the earlier 
part of the year, our secretary of state seems to have suffi- 
ciently understood their gasconading habits, to disregard these 
inflated productions. He therefore authorized Mr. Black, 
who remained in Mexico as consul, upon Mr. Shannon's 
withdrawal, to propose that we should send an envoy with 
full powers to adjust all the questions in dispute between the 
two countries. Mexico, notwithstanding her open bravado, 
secretly assented to our proposal, declaring that she would 
receive " the commissioner of the United States who might 
come to the capital with full powers to settle the present dis- 
pute in a peaceful, reasonable and honorable manner." 

Accordingly, Mr. Slidell was hastily despatched so as to 
be sure of meeting the same persons in power with whom 
the arrangement had been made ; for in Mexico, the delay 
of even a day may sometimes change a government, and 
create new or unwilling negotiators. Nevertheless when 
our minister presented himself in the capital early in Decem- 
ber, having travelled rapidly but unostentatiously, so as to 



80 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

avoid exciting ill feeling among the Mexicans as to the pur- 
poses of his mission, he found the secretary unprepared to re- 
ceive him. It was objected that Mr. Slidell's commission 
liad not been confirmed by the senate of the United States 
and that the president had no constitutional right to send 
him ; that Mexico agreed to receive a commissioner to settle 
the Texas dispute, and not a resident envoy; that the re- 
ception of such an envoy would admit the minister on the 
footing of a friendly mission during a period of concord be- 
tween nations, which would not be diplomatically proper 
so long as our amity was in the least interrupted; — and, 
finally, that the government had not expected a commissioner 
until after the session of congress began in January, 1846. 

There may be some force in technical diplomacy, between 
the mission as agreed on by Messieurs Black and Pefia, and 
the one despatched by Mr, Buchanan, for the leiter of cre- 
dence declares that Mr. Slidell is " to reside near the gov- 
ernment of the Mexican republic in the quality of envoy ex- 
traordinary and minister plenipotentiary, and that he is well 
informed of the president's desire to restore, cultivate, and 
strengthen friendship and good correspondence between us." 
A point of extreme etiquette raised at such a moment, when 
both parties were confessedly anxious for peace, naturally 
excites some inquiry as to its probable origin. Accordingly 
we find that it was a mere subterfuge, urged by a tottering 
administration to avert its ruin. The violence of the cabinet 
against annexation had done its work among the people. 
When Herrera and Peiia accepted, in October, our proposal 
to treat, they hoped the popular elections, as well as judi- 
cious overtures to the departments and citizens, would so 
modify national opinion as to permit their independent and 
liberal action. But such forbearance could scarcely be ex- 
pected from the watchfulness of Mexican intriguers. Herrera 



iVIEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 81 

was a federalist, but his failure to proclaim the federal sys- 
tem, and to throw himself on that party as soon as he at- 
tained power, alienated a large portion of it and made the 
rest but feeble supporters. The church and the centralists 
soon coalesced in hostility to his government; and, altiiough 
his measures were moderate, and all his efforts designed to 
correct abuses, yet every political symptom denoted his speedy 
fall. Of all the popular clamors, probably none was louder 
iu the mob and the army, than that which arose in conse- 
quence of his effort to negotiate a peace with our Union. 
General Paredes took advantage of this unpopularity, and, at 
the head of five thousand of the soldiery, pronounced against 
the government of the president. 

It will be perceived from this sketch how completely this 
Texas question and the war with our countiy have been 
made electioneering and revolutionary elements in Mexico : 
not, however, with patriotic hopes, or reasonable expectations 
of reconquest, but with the contemptible anxiety of usurping 
a tempoiary power which, for a while, enabled the aspirant 
to govern the country without the least prospect of settling 
the difficulty witli us or of regaining Texas.-'- 

This revolution commenced with the army of reserve sta- 
tioned at San Luis Potosi, and was seconded by the military 
men generally. On the 15tli of December, 1S45, Paredes 
issued a bombastic proclamationf from his head-quarters ; 
and, in the latter part of the month the revolutionary forces 
reached the capital, when a poition of the garrison pro- 
nounced in favor of the insurgent chief. This induced an 
early accommodation between the parties, and finished the 
outbreak without bloodshed. Yet Paredes, having over- 

* See Mexico as it was and is, 4th ed. p. 396 — and Slidell's correspon- 
dence with our government. Senate doc. No. 337, 29th cong. 1st sess. 
X See Mexico as it was and as it is, p. 400. 
11 



82 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

thiowa Herreia, partly in consequence of his friendly dispo- 
sition for peace with us, could not now attempt negotiations 
successfully. Mr. Slidell renewed his oflers to the cabinet, 
but was repulsed and left the country. The lame reliance 
of Mexico upon bombastic proclamations was again adopted. 
Yet the people were discontented with Paredes who soon 
began to manifest the despotic tendency of his nature and 
education. The militaiy life of this chieftain naturally in- 
clined him towards centralism, but he was altogether unfit 
either by character or habits for civil authority. As soon as 
he assumed the reins of government, a party which had long 
drooped began again to lift its head. The monarchists, led 
by the Archbishop Manuel Posada y Gardufio, and the wily 
Don Lucas Alaman, soon got possession of the insurgent 
general. They were joined by a large portion of the higher 
clergy, some influential men of fortune, a few soldiers, and 
a number of silly citizens, who promised themselves a futu- 
rity of progress and felicity by calling to the Mexican throne 
a monarch from beyond the sea. This party of royalists 
was strengthened by dissensions at home, and by the ex- 
pected attack from the United States. Many reflecting men 
cherished no hope of national progress so long as the turbu- 
lent army was unrestrained by paramount authority. They 
desired at once to crush freedom and domestic despotism by 
a foreign prince supported by European soldiery, whilst they 
believed that the continental sovereigns would greedily seize 
the opportunity of throwing their forces into America so as 
to check the aggressive ambition of the United States.* As 
soon as this scheme of Paredes was disclosed, his unpopu- 
larity increased. His intemperate habits were well known 
and destroyed confidence in his judgment. The financial 

* Tributo a la verdad, Vera Cruz, p. 3. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 83 

condition of tlie country was exceedingly embarrassed, and 
foreigners, wlio were tlie usual bankers of the government, 
refused loans on any terras. Payment was denied by the 
treasury to all employed in the civil departments, while mo- 
ney was disbursed to none but the army. The freedom of 
the press moreover was suspended; and, to crown the na- 
tional difficulties, it was at this very moment that Mexico 
dreamed of overthrowing the republic at home and estab- 
lishing a monarchy in its stead, whilst it simultaneously en- 
countered our armies abroad in order to reconquer Texas ! 
With such deplorable fatuity was Mexico misruled, and en- 
tangled in a double war upon the rights of her own people 
and against the United States. It was unfortunate that she^ , 
fell at this crisis into the hands of a despot and drunkard, '^■^'^ 
whose mind, perplexed between ambition and intemperance, 
gave a permanent direction to that false public sentiment, 
which Herrera had been anxious to convert into one of peace 
and good will towards the United States. ^ 

I have thus succinctly narrated the events that led to the 
war between the United States and Mexico. The annexa- 
tion of Texas, without the previous assent of Mexico, may 
have annoyed that government. It was mortifying to patri- 
otic pride, and we should laud the republic for manifesting a 
proper sensibility. But true national pride is always capable 
of manly and dignified opposition. It does not expend itself 
in bravado, petulence or querulousness. It does not assail 
by threats, but by deeds; and never provokes an attack until 
it is prepared to return the blow with earnest force. It is 
silent as the storm until it bursts forth in overwhelming wrath. 
All other kinds of resistance are nothing but miserable exhi- 
bitions of mortified vanity, and invoke the world's contempt 
instead of respectful compassion. 
~^Our government, from the beginning, desired and at- 



84 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

tempted to allay excitement, whilst that of Mexico, revolu- 
tionary, disorganized and impotent as it was at home, and as 
it subsequently proved itself to be in the field of battle, did 
all it could to foment animosity between the two countries. 
This sturdy resistance of Mexico did not arise from prudence, 
patriotism or courage, but from intestine factions, exasperated 
by rival usurpers. Our efforts to make peace and establish a 
boundary upon the most liberal principles were rejected with 
disdain.* The authorities, basing their refusal upon a fri- 
volous subterfuge of diplomatic etiquette, would not even 
hear our proposals, or receive our minister. Our presidents 
were disposed to concede every thing reasonable in negotia- 
tion that could have saved the honor of Mexico and placed 
our future relations on the salutary foundation of alliance.f 
Instead of meeting us with the pacific and compromising 
temper of our age, her demagogue chieftains stimulated the 
passion and vanity of the mob, until the stormy natures of 
an ignorant people became so completely excited that they 
were unable to control the evil spirit raised by their wicked 
incantations, t^ 

Blundering onward and blinded by passion, this unfortu- 
nate nation reminds us of that passage in the Ji]nead wherein 
the sightless giant is described : — 

" Summo quum monte videmus 
Ipsutn inter pecudes vasta se mole moventem 
Pastorem Polypheum, et littera nota peteutem ; 
Monstrum horrendiim, infoi-me, ingeiis, cui lumen ademptum ! 

^nead, B. 3, v. 655. 

* See Wheaton's Elements of international law. ed. of 1836, part 2d 
chap. 1, pp. 88, 89, 90, 91. On the right of interference of governments 
for the pacification of belligerent nations. 

t Mr. Slidell was fully empowered to negotiate on liberal terms. 



BOOK SECOND: 



MILITARY OPERATIONS IN TEXAS AND ON 



THE RIO GRANDE. 



BOOK II. 

MILITARY OPERATIONS IN TEXAS AND ON THE 
RIO GRANDE. 



CHAPTER I. 

Boundary of Texas defined by Almonte — Description of Texas — Rivers of 
Texas — Army of observation — General Taylor — Army of occupation — 
How formed — Difficulty of landing in Texas — Aransas bay — Army lands 
at St. Joseph's island — Kinney's rancho — Corpus Christi — State of the 
army during the vt^inter — sufferings of the troops — Alarms of Avar — Gen- 
eral Gaines's view^s — Necessity of ample preparation — our first aggres- 
sive war. 

The scene of our observation is now about to change from 
the cabinet to the field. The theatre of war properly attracts 
our attention, and the spot of earth which was the chief cause 
of dispute between Mexico and the United States, and where 
our armies assembled, justly demands our first notice. 

Texas, until she attained the rank of an independent State, 
seems to have been almost an unknown country even to the 
Mexicans. This was natural for a people who are not es- 
sentially agriculturists, but pass their lives as herdsmen, 
miners, or merchants, and whose central government is far 
removed from its outposts. 

In the year 1834, General Almonte was deputed by the 
Mexican authorities to visit this northern province, and pre- 
pare a statistical report upon its extent and character. Ac- 
cording to this valuable document, Texas proper lies between 



88 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

28° and 35° of north latitude, and 17° and 25° of longitude, 
west from Washington. It is bounded on the north by the 
territory of Arkansas; east by Louisiana; south by the Gulf 
of Mexico and State of Tamaulipas; and west by Coahuila, 
Chihuahua, and New Mexico. Almonte was informed, by 
the State government of Coahuila and Texas, that instead 
of the Rio de las Nueces forming the boundary between 
Coahuila and Texas, as the map denoted, the true limit 
commenced at the embouchure of the Rio Aransaso which it 
followed to its source, whence it continued by a direct line 
until it reached the junction of the Medina with the San 
Antonio, and thence proceeded along the eastern bank of the 
Medina to its source, terminating, finally, on the borders of 
Chihuahua. The territory comprised within these limits is 
estimated at near two hundred thousand square miles — a sur- 
face almost as extensive as that of France.* But, since 
Texas receded from the Mexican central government, these 
confines have been changed. • By an act of her congress, in 
in December, 1836, the boundary was declared to begin at 
the mouth of the Rio Grande, and thence to run up the 
principal stream of the said river to its source; thence due 
north to the 42° of latitude, and thence, along the boundary 
as defined in the treaty between the United States and Spain, 
to the beginning.f 

The great body of the territory of Mexico is rich in upland 
vallies, extensive plains, noble mountains, fertile soil, beau- 
tiful groves, and rich mines, but it is almost entirely deprived 
of rivers, whilst Texas is singularly favored in this respect. 
On the east, the Gulf of Mexico aflbrds her an extensive sea 
coast indented by the mouths of the Sabine river and lake, 

* Almonte's report. Kennedy's Texas, chap. 1. 
t Senate doc. 341, 28th cong. 1st sess. p. 56. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 89 

the Rio Naches, the Rio Trinidad, the Rio San Jacinto, Gal- 
veston bay, the Rio Brazos, Matagorda bay, tlie Rio Colo- 
rado, the Rios San Antonio and Guadelupe, Aransaso bay 
and the Rio Grande, besides numerous smaller streams that 
drain her soil and almost cover it with an interlacing net- work 
of water. 

Texas presents to the traveller three distinct natural re- 
gions. Along the shores of the gulf from the Sabine to the 
Rio Grande, a flat country extends from thirty to one hun- 
dred miles in the interior, widening towards its centre on 
the Colorado, and gradually diminishing towards the Nueces. 
The sandy wastes and lagunes of the coast give place, at 
some distance in the interior, to a rich alluvial country, di- 
versified by skirts of timber, insulated groves, and open prai- 
ries, A large portion of this part of Texas is described as 
being singularly free from those large collections of stagnant 
water, which, combined with a burning sun and prolific 
vegetation, create malaria in our southern States. 

Westward of this level skirt, begins the rolling region. 
The land gradually swells in gentle undulationis, " covered 
with fertile prairies and valuable woodlands, enriched with 
springs and rivulets." Farther westward still, these l^eautiful 
hills tower up into the steeps of the Sierra Madre, that great 
chain of gigantic mountains, which, broken at the junction 
of the Rio Grande with the Puerco, takes thence a north- 
easterly course, and enters Texas near the source of the 
Nueces. These elevations are of the third and fourth mag- 
nitude, and abound with forests of pine, oak, cedar, and an 
extraordinary variety of shrubbery. Wide vallies of alluvial 
soil, commonly susceptible of irrigation from copious streams 
in the highlands, wind through the recesses of these moim- 
tains and afford a delightful region for the purposes of agri- 
culture. The table lands beyond these ranges have been but 
12 



90 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

little explored, and still less is known of the northern region 
extending to the 42° of north latitude, as well as of that 
portion lying between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. But 
such, in brief, is Texas from the gulf to the mountains; — a 
country adapted alike to the planter, the grazier and the 
farmer, while it offers to commerce a wide extent of sea 
coast whose harbors may be made perfectly secure by the 
skill of modern science.* 

I have already stated that in 1844 President Tyler sta- 
tioned an army of observation under General Taylor, at fort 
Jesup, as soon as he negotiated the annexation treaty. f 
This corps, but poorly sheltered from the weather, and in an 
inhospitable climate, was, for a long time, left inactive on the 
banks of the Sabine. In midsummer of 1845, after the 
joint resolution was passed, and when our difficulties with 
Mexico began to thicken, it was at length ordered to advance, 
under (he same commander, towards the southern frontier of 
Texas. The army then consisted of but two regiments of 
infantry, one of dragoons, and a single company of artillery, 
in all about fifteen hundred efficient men. As the climate 
was known to the sickly, the war department despatched 
only such an unacclimated force as was deemed absolutely 
necessary to protect a tropical region in the month of July, 
awaiting the colder months before its numbers were increased. 
This body was called the army of occupation, whose ap- 
pointments seem to have been extremely imperfect. " The 
dragoon regiment had just been formed from a rifle corps; 
half of its men were raw, undisciplined recruits, and many 
of them unable to ride, while their recently purchased horses 
were small, weak and undrilled. The infantry regiments 

* Kennedy's Texas, chap. 1. 

t Senate doc. No. 341, 28th cong. 1st sess. p. 76. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 91 

were enfeebled by their long exposure, in miserable tents, to 
the withering heats and drenching rains of a low southern 
latitude ; and the artillerists were without their guns. To- 
wards the end of June, 1845, a company of the last men- 
tioned arm of the service, equipped as infantry, at fort Moul- 
trie, was ordered to New Orleans. This body, armed only 
with muskets, sailed from Charleston on the 26th of the 
month, and on its arrival in Louisiana on the 19tli of July, 
found that it was destined for service in Texas. The in- 
structions to the commanding officer informed him that his 
company was to be mounted and equipped as flying artillery 
for the campaign under Taylor; that horses would be sent 
him and a battery shipped from New York, upon the arrival 
of which he was to join his general at the mouth of the Sa- 
bine."* Fortunately for these troops they encountered Gen- 
eral Taylor in New Orleans, though they were obliged to 
depart without their ordnance, which did not reach them for 
two months afterwards, while their horses were even still 
longer in attaining their destination. 

The war in Texas, and the unsettled state of that country, 
had prevented the preparation of an accurate map, or indeed, 
even of a survey of the coasts or interior. It was difficult, 
therefore, to find any one in New Orleans acquainted with 
the harbors and rivers of the new State, or who was willing 
to incur the responsibility of directing the array's steps. The 
topographical bureau at Washington had, with infinite pains 
and ingenuity, constructed a map of the country from the 
scant materials in its possession ; but this chart has since been 
proved to be almost entirely useless as a guide. 

However, after considerable difficulty, General Taylor 
procured a pilot for large wages, who professed a thorough 

* An account of the army of observation and occupation, written by one 
of its oflBcers, in the Southern Quarterly Review for April, 1846. 



92 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

acquaintance with the Texan waters, and a particular know- 
ledge of his destination at Aransas bay. This individual 
was immediately put in charge of one of the transports loaded 
with troops, and under his lead, the commander in chief 
sailed from New Orleans with three ships and two steamers 
in search of the port of his disbarkation. The blundering 
pilot grounded his vessel among the breakers where it would 
inevitably have been wrecked, had it not been extricated by 
timely assistance, while the. captain of another transport 
coasted the low shores of the gulf for several days, in sight 
of land, seeking an inlet, and when his ship was at length 
anchored off St. Joseph's, he asserted that it was the island 
of Espiritu Santo.* 

This bay of Aransas was perhaps one of the most unsuit- 
able for the disbaikation of troops on the coast of Texas, and 
was selected in utter ignorance of the country. Indeed we 
seem to have committed two great and often fatal errors in 
warfare when we contemplated hostilities with Mexico — first, 
in despising our foe; and secondly, in failing to inform our- 
selves of his country's geography. 

Aransas bay lies between the south end of St. Joseph's 
and the northern point of Mustang island, quite close to the 
latter, and almost at right angles with the coast. It has a 
narrow but shifting sand bar at its entrance, upon which the 
depth of water varies according to the action of the winds. 
The bay is about twenty-five miles in length and twelve in . 
width, but is obstructed by a shoal and a range of islands that 
traverse it.f 

On the third of August our whole army had landed on St. 
Joseph's island, about thirty miles from the Rio Nueces, 
across which it was to pass to its proposed encampment on 

* S. Q. Review, ut antea, p. 442. (April, 1846.) 
t Kennedy's Texas, chap. 2d. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 93 

Corpus Chiisti bay, near a smuggling village known as 
Kinney's rancho. As Corpus Christi and Aransas bays are 
connected by a shallow and winding channel, it was at once 
discovered that steamers were altogether inadequate for the 
transportation of troops from the islets to the mainland ; and 
our forces would have remained where they disembarked 
had not a few skiffs of light draft, together with some sail 
and row boats, been obtained in the neighborhood at consid- 
erable expense. In these frail vessels a detachment of forty 
men, armed only with muskets, crossed the Nueces, and 
landed on the stormy coast as pioneers in a country asserted 
to be Mexican. Had the authorities of that republic been 
prepared to resist our landing, a few field pieces might have 
prevented the alleged invasion, as our general was unable to 
protect the disembarkation of his troops by cannon. In ad- 
dition to these mistakes, the 2d regiment of dragoons was 
not despatched from fort Jesup in time to co-operate with 
our forces when they first landed at Corpus Christi; and, as 
the artillery had not yet been forwarded from our arsenals, 
the campaign may be said to have commenced with wfan- 
try alone. This was a novelty in military science, and in- 
dicated an ignorance of war, an unpardonable imprudence, 
or a conviction that the whole drama was got up only to in- 
timidate an enemy we despised. 

It is impossible to narrate every circumstance of interest 
that occurred during the encampment of our forces west of 
the Neuces, a position taken by General Taylor with the con- 
currence of the war department. But a history of tins war 
would be incomplete were not the position as well as the 
condition of our army accurately stated. Our government, 
relying probably on the acknowledged feebleness of Mexico, 
and on the fact that she had not yet declared war, imagined 



94 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

that the mere presence of American troops would pacify Tex- 
as or prevent hostihties. This was an unfortunate mistake, 
especially in the unsettled condition of things ; for in May, 
1845, Mr. Ponelson, our charge to Texas, had warned the 
government to be prepared for an immediate blow upon Mex- 
ico, if she should unfortunately declare war against us, and 
that declaration might have been expected at any moment. 
The details of the organization of our forces seem, never- 
theless, to have been sadly neglected. Sailing vessels, alone, 
were relied on to convey despatches to General Taylor; and, 
from the wreck of one of them, a drummer boy, strolling 
along the beach, on the 15th of August, rescued a valuable 
package containing the proclamation of the Mexican govern- 
ment in which the people were summoned to unite in an 
army for national preservation, under the sonorous title of 
" Defenders of independence and the laws." * The day 
after this despatch was received, the smugglers along the 
coast reported that Arista was rapidly advancing to attack us 
with three thousand choice troops. Without artillery to de- 
fend the camp, or dragoons to act as scouts, our general could 
do nothing but order entrenchments to be thrown up. En- 
trenching tools, however, had not been furnished; and, with 
only a few old and broken spades the troops labored briskly, 
and erected, in a few days, a solid field-work a few yards 
from the beach, protected in the rear by the bay. But the 
battery had not 3^et arrived, nor was Gen. Taylor able to ob- 
tain from the sloop of war St. Mary's, which was on the sta- 
tion, any guns of a suitable calibre. Fortunately, however, 
he procured three pieces, indifferently equipped, and a small 
supply of ammunition, from the citizens of Corpus Christi. 
These guns added materially to the strength of our position 

* Niles' Reg. vol. 68, p. 305. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 95 

in case we were attacked, but were entirely unsuitable for 
field service.* 

The proclamation to which we have alluded, and the ru- 
mors of vigorous hostility on the part of Mexico, produced 
great alarjB in the United States, especially along our southern 
frontier. In New Orleans, indignation was openly expressed 
that our gallant men h.ad been despatched on this forlorn 
enterprize without the amplest means of defence and attack, 
while our arsenals were filled with all the munitions of war. 
A large force of volunteers was, therefore, ordered out in the 
south, while two companies of artillery were immediately de- 
spatched to Taylor's succor under the command of Maj. Gaily. 

The report of Arista's progress, however, proved to be false, 
so that we were fortunately saved from attack. Yet the suf- 
ferings of our army did not cease with those military incon- 
veniences, " Two thirds of the tents furnished our soldiers 
were worn out or rotten, and had been condemned by boards 
of survey appointed by the proper authorities in accordance 
with the army regulations. Transparent as gauze, they af- 
forded little or no protection against the intense heat of sum- 
mer or the drenching rains and severe cold of winter. Even 
the dews penetrated the thin covering almost without ob- 
struction. Such were the tents provided for campaigners in 
a country almost deluged three months in the year, and more 
variable in its climate than any other region, passing from the 
extreme of heat to that of cold in a few hours. During the 
whole of November and December, either the rains were de- 
scending with violence, or the furious " northers" Avhich 
ravage this coast were breaking the frail tent-poles or rending 
the rotten canvas. For days and weeks every article in hun- 

t S. Q, Rev. ut antea. Senate doc. No. 337, 29th cong. 1st sess. p. 93- 



96 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

dreds of tents was thoroughly soaked ; and during these ter- 
rible months, the sufferings of the sick, in the crowded hos- 
pital tents, ^^;ere indescribably horrible. Every day added to 
the frightfulness of the mortality. At one time a sixth of 
the entire camp was on the sick list, and at least one-half 
unfit for service, in consequence of dysentery and catarrhal 
fevers which raged like a pestilence."* The camp was with- 
out fires, and, being situated on the edge of a vast prairie- 
sparsely covered with muskeet trees, was but scantily sup- 
plied with wood even for the most needfid purposes. The 
quarter-master's department furnished only the weak and 
stunted tnustangs of the country ; and the little and ineffi- 
cient ponies, geared in the large harness made at the north 
for American horses, looked as if they would jump through 
their collars instead of use them for traction. With such 
teams only a sufficiency of wood could be drawn for cooking, 
and none for camp fires to comfort the sick and suffering sol- 
diers. "As winter advanced, the prairie became a quag- 
mire, the roads almost impassable, and as the mustangs died 
in large numbers, wood enough for cooking even, could not 
be procured. The encampment now resembled a marsh, 
the water, at times, being three or four feet deep in the tents 
of whole wings of regiments. All military exercises were 
suspended, and the bleak gloomy days were passed in inac- 
tivity, disgust and sullenness. The troops, after being tho- 
rougbl}'^ drenched all day, without fires to dry them, lay down 
nt night in wet blankets on the soaked ground, as plank for 
tent floors was not furnished by the quartermasters until 
the rainy season was over. At times the men, at tattoo, 
gasped for breath in the sultry night air, and, at reveillee, 
found their moist blankets frozen around them and their 

* S. Q. Rev. ut antea. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 97 

tents stiff Avith ice. A portion of the men were kept without 
pay for six months, and the rest for four months, although 
(he law strictly requires payment every two months. 

'' Officers and soldiers, destitute of funds, were compelled 
to borrow, upon the strength of pay due, of their more fortu- 
nate companions, or of the Shy locks, in search of victurns, that 
polluted the camp. Sick soldiers, directed by their surgeons 
to return to the United States, had either to remain and die, 
or to submit to exhorbitant exactions from unfeeling villians 
in their pension certificates and pay accoimts, though the 
law requires the paymasters to cash them in specie. 

" On the first landing of the 3d and 4Lh infantry at Corpus 
Christi, " Kinney's Rancho," though a lawless, smugghng 
town, under the vigorous sway of its martial proprietor, was 
as quiet and peaceful as a village in New England. But 
every fresh arrival of troops was followed by some portion of 
that vast horde of harpies, that are ever to be found in the 
train of all armies, ready to prey upon the simple and un- 
suspecting among the soldiers. In a short time, hundreds 
of temporary structures were erected on the outskirts of the 
"Rancho," and in them, all the cut-throats, thieves, and 
murderers of the United States and Texas, seem to have 
congregated. No sight could have been more truly melan- 
choly than that of their bloated and sin- marked visages, as 
they lounged through the purlieus of this modern Pande- 
monium. The air, by day, was polluted with their horrid 
oaths and imprecations, — and the savage yells, exulting 
shouts, and despairing groans of their murderous frays, made 
night hideous. But, not content with confining their hellish 
deeds to their own worthy fraternity, they laid their worth- 
less hands on the troops. Many of the soldiers, enticed to 
their dram-shops, were drugged with stupifying portions, 
and then robbed of their hard earnings, or murdered in cold 
blood." 



DS HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

General l^aylor, lucking to tlie probability of a movement 
against Mexico, warned the department that a ponton train 
was indispensable in a country wherein streams abounded 
and wood for bridges was scarce; but it was not despatched 
until after the next meeting of congress. 

"Six months after the army had taken the field, there 
were not teams and Vvagons enough to transport one half of 
the troops; so that, in case of hostilities, had a forward move- 
ment been ordered, it could only have been eifected by de- 
tachments, and, in consequence, that most fatal of all mili- 
tary errors would have been committed, of permitting the 
enemy to attack and beat in detail. The few teams fur- 
nished, it is natural to think, were the choicest to be found 
in the west. For, it had been said, that though the " Army 
of occupation" was small, the great celerity of its move- 
ments, from the superiority of the American horses, would 
contribute, as well as the greater bravery of its men, to make 
it more than a match for the largest Mexican force. Ninety 
yoke of oxen and several hundred mustangs were therefore 
bought, but not a single American hoise! 

" Three batteries of artillery were added to the one whicli, 
at length reached the company from Charleston. Horses 
were sent with two of them, to raanreuvre them rapidly on 
the field of battle, and to transport them wherever the army 
might go. But the third came unprovided with cavalry. 

"When the New Orleans volunteers left Corpus Christi, 
their artillery hoises were turned over to the company from 
Charleston. This company, having always acted as infantry, 
had never even seen a flying artillery drill, — half of the men 
could not ride, — many had never ridden at all, and, in 
mounting for the first time, made Mr. Winkle's mistake as 
to which stirrup to use. It was certainly an original idea. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 99 

to convert, in a single daij, a company of foot into light ai- 
tillery. However, as horses had at length been given to the 
company from Charleston, it was the ardent desire of the 
lieutenant commanding, to teach his men to ride and drive, 
and the sabre exercise. This the loyal quartermasters resolved 
to prevent, and, at the same time, to show the world how 
economical they were. They, therefore, refused to purchase 
any more ha}^ and told the dragoons and light artillery, that 
they, themselves, must cut and haul the dry and sapless 
broom straw of the prairie, and forage thei]- horses on that."* 

Such is a picture of the sufferings of our army of occu- 
pation, drawn by an eye-witness, and scarcely colored by the 
warmth of his feelings. If the advice of military men, and 
the opinion of persons whose experience as campaigners 
entitled them to respect, had been heeded, this war Avould 
have been speedily ended. Ever since the rumor of annex- 
ation in 1S43, but, especially, since the inaugural address of 
President Polk in 1845, in which he pronounced so emphatic 
an opinion as to our right to the whole of Oregon, our poUti- 
cal firmament had been clouded. Prudent men thought it 
probable that there would be war with Mexico or hostilities 
with England, and that the two sources of irritation, by dis- 
tracting our powers, would materially increase each other's 
virulence. 

At this timej General Gaines, a chieftain who has become 
venerable in the service of his country, and whose skill and 
bravery on many a field have manifested his character in ac- 
tions that no citizen can ever forget, commanded on our 
south-western frontier. The delicate character of our foreign 
relations, to which allusion has just been made, attracted his 

* Southern Quarterly Review, ut antea. These statements are made by 
an able and distinguished officer of our army, who was on the field, and is 
perfectly versed in all the matters he discusses. 



100 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

anxious attention in 1S45 ; and his responsibility as Chief on 
a long, exposed frontier, compelled him to give timely warn- 
ing to the department. It seemed to this officer, if we en- 
gaged hastily in war with Mexico or England, at such a 
crisis, and with no preparations either for an army or its in- 
struction, that the conflict would be disastrous or procrasti- 
nated, especially as the latter power had so far surpassed us 
in applying steam to naval purposes. Long years of peace 
had rendered us indifTerent to war; and unvarying success in 
other conflicts had made us confident. Accordingly, he re- 
commended the concentration of a large force of volunteers 
on the borders of the probable theatre of war, where they 
should be trained in military science, together with the regu- 
lars commanded by General Taylor, until the spring of 1846. 
If war could not be averted before that period, we might 
then be able to march against the enemy with a powerful 
and disciplined army. He contended that the true pohcy 
of our country, in such an assault, was to pursue with re- 
lentless energy the military bandits who swayed the destinies 
of Mexico, whilst, on all sides, we protected the persons and 
property of non-combatants ; so that in pushing onward to 
the capital we would leave throughout the country tra- 
versed an indelible impression of our justice. Thus the 
confidence of the best portions of Mexico would be secured, 
the prestige of her army promptly destroyed, and peace ob- 
tained before she was able to rally. On the other hand. 
General Gaines believed that if we began war without large 
and instructed forces, we might count on a protracted strug- 
gle, as in the Seminole campaigns from 1836 to 1842. The 
precipices upon the doubtful verge of whose summits we tot- 
tered during the war, prove the wisdom of these suggestions. 
The faithful page of history admonishes that nations as well 
as individuals who recklessly disregard the essential maxims 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 101 

that prescribe their prudent duties, must sooner or later pay 
the penalty of neglect. But politicians, uneducated even in 
the pleasant discipline of militia trainings, do not view mat- 
ters in the same light as military men whose knowledge of 
detail, and of the responsibilities of real service, make them 
unwilling to engage in war, or even to threaten hostilities, 
without the amplest preparation to perform all they promise. 
Without such true and earnest discipline warlike array is but 
a military cheat. 

It is vain to predict what might have been the result had 
the advice of the gallant and prudent Gaines been adopted ; 
yet it cannot be doubted that a well equipped body of twen- 
t3^-five or thirty thousand men would have marched to the 
city of Mexico and dictated peace at the cost of one fourth 
the blood and treasure that were subsequently expended. A 
lingering policy of hesitation together with the acknowledged 
inefficiency of Mexico, may palliate the errors of our cabi- 
net ; but wise politicians will not henceforth fail to be im- 
pressed with the necessity of military preparation which this 
conflict has taught us. 

A war which was originally supposed to be one exclusively 
of defence, was suddenly changed to an aggressive conflict, 
and is, perhaps, an additional excuse for our unpreparedness. 
Most of the events in this narrative derive peculiar interest 
from the fact that it is the first and only offensive war into 
which we have been forced. With every known principle 
of defence we had been long acquainted; for, in the school 
of Washington, we acquired a sound, practical knowledge, 
which subsequent experience, under the most perfect system 
of self-government, enabled us to improve. But it is to be 
hoped that many years will elapse before our volunteers will 
be again called from their peaceful duties to take part in an 



102 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

aggressive war, and especially against a government whose 
theory of rule is the same as our own. 

Note. — General Gaines, who commanded the western division, was 
censured by the War department for having made a requisition on the go- 
vernor of Louisiana for State troops to be sent to the army in Texas under 
Taylor's command, at the moment of apprehended danger described in this 
chapter. General Taylor, for more than a year previous to September, 
1845, commanded one of the brigades of Gaines's division, and the latter 
never knew by authority that the former had been disconnected from him, 
except upon temporary service, until advised by the secretary of war on 
the 13th of September. He never received a copy of the authority given 
to Taylor to go to Texas until after the date of his requisition for Louisiana 
volunteers, on the 15th of August, 1845 ; consequently he then considered 
himself responsible for the strength and support of one of his own bri- 
gades, and bound to succor it speedily when he believed it to be in immi- 
nent danger. — See Senate doc. No. 378, for his correspondence, and espe- 
cially p. 48. 



CHAPTER II. 

Our position at Corpus Christi — Instructions to Taylor as to the boundary 
of the Rio Grande — Taylor's views — Review and history of the boun- 
dary question — Letter from Mr. Adams — Santa Anna's agreements with 
Texas, &.c. — ^March to the Rio Grande ordered — Justification in a mili- 
tary point of view of the occupation of the disputed territory — Anecdote 
of Frederick the Great — War in Silesia and Austria — Madison's conduct 
to Spain in 1810 — Right of declaration of war — Justifiable causes of 
war — Opinion of Sir J. Mackintosh — War and diplomacy contrasted. 

One of the most inclement winters in the Gulf of Mexico 
had passed in the comfortless manner described in the last 
chapter. Our attempts to negotiate with Mexico were re- 
pulsed, and although our minister had not yet returned to 
the United States — having delayed at Jalapa with the hope 
of finding Paredes more accessible than Herrera — every 
thing indicated an ultimate defeat of diplomacy. 

Meanwhile our forces at Corpus Christi were gradually 
augmenting, under the command of Generals Taylor and 
Worth. In October, 1845, the troops amounted to near four 
thousand, and General Taylor made every preparation, by 
reconnoissances between the Nueces and the Rio Grande for 
the ultimate defence of soil which had been claimed by our 
government as part of Texas.* 

* On the 15th of June, 1845, Mr. Bancroft, as acting secretary of state, 
v.'rote to General Taylor as follows: 

" The point of your ultimate destination is the western frontier of Texas, 
where you will select and occupy, on or near the Rio Grande del Norte, 
such a site as will consist with the health of the troops, and will be best 
adapted to repel invasion, and to protect what, in the event of annexation, 
will be our western border." 

On the 30th of July, 1845, the secretary of war, Mr. Marcy, declared to 



104 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

As a military irmii it was not his duty to affix the bounda- 
lies that were to be the subject of negotiation or war; but 
simply to ascertain precisely the extent of defence required 
along a disputed territory, and to dispose his troops accord- 
ingly.* 

In October, 1845, therefore, General Taylor reviewed the 
instructions from the war department, and, seeing that he 
had been ordered to select and occupy near the Rio Grande 
such a site as would consist with the health of the troops, 
and was best adapted to repel invasion, he ventured to sug- 
gest an advance of his army. This however, was done by 
him whilst he felt great diffidence in touching topics that 
might become matter of delicate diplomacy. Nevertheless, 
taking a soldier's view of the topographical and not the dip- 

him that "the Rio Grande is claimed to be the boundary between the two 
countries, and up to this boundary you are to extend your protection, only 
excepting any posts on the eastern side thereof which are in the actual oc- 
cupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements over which the re- 
public of Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at the pei'iod of annexation, 
or shortly before that event. It is expected that, in selecting the estab- 
lishment for your troops, you will approach as near the boundary line — 
the Rio Grande— as prudence will dictate. With this view, the President 
desires that your position, for a part of your forces, at least, should be west 
of the river Nueces." 

This, and even more forcible language, was repeated in letters from the 
same source on the 23d and .30th of August, and on the 16th of October, 
1845. In the last letter the secretary of war states distinctly that the 
western boundary of Texas is the Rio Grande. See Senate doc. No. 337, 
29th cong. 1st sess. pp. 75, 77, 80, 81, 82. 

* That this was General Taylor's view of the question is proved by a 
remark in his letter to General Ampudia on the 12th of April, 1846, on 
being warned by that officer to break up his camp and to retire to the other 
bank of the Nueces. General Taylor says : I need hardly advise you that 
charged as I am, in only a military capacity, with the performance of specific 
duties, I cannot enter into a discussion of the international question involved in 
the advance of the ^imerican army. — id. p. 124. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 105 

lomatic question, he informed our government, that if it made 
the Rio Grande an ultimatum in adjusting a boundary, he 
doubted not that the settlement would be facilitated by tak- 
ing possession, at once, of one or two suitable points on, or 
quite near, that river. At these spots, our strength would be 
displayed in a manner not to be mistaken, while the position 
of our troops at the remote camp of Corpus Christi, with arid 
wastes between them and the outposts of Mexico, altogether 
failed to impress that government with our readiness to vin- 
dicate by force of arms our title to the country as far as the 
Rio Grande.* Moreover, General Tayloi' felt encumbered 
by the orders fiom our war department of the Sth July, in 
which he was told that Mexico held military establishments 
on the east side of the Rio Grande, whose forces he should not 
disturb until our peaceful relations were finally destroyed.f 

Accordingly, on the 13th of January, 1846, our comman- 
der-in-chief was directed to advance with his troops to the 
Rio Grande. I This movement was made in consequence 
of the anticipated failure of our negotiations, clearly indi- 
cated by the conduct of the Mexican government imme- 
diately upon the arrival of Mr. Slidell in the capital. But 
before these orders were despatched to General Taylor, he 
had already in August, 1845, been apprised of his duties in 
the event of hostile demonstrations on the part of the enemy. 
In case of an invasion of Texas by the Mexicans, he was 
directed to drive them back beyond the Rio Grande ; and, 
although it was desirable that he should confine himself as 
much as possible to defensive measures, yet, in the event of 
such a repulse, he was authorized to seize and hold posses- 
sion of Matamoros and other places on the soil of Mexico. 

This resolution of our government was made the subject 

* See Senate Doc. No. 337, 29th cong. 1st sess. p. 99. 
f Id. p. 75. X Id. p. 82. 

14 



106 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

of grave complaint by persons who opposed the war. The 
order to advance from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande was 
alleged to be an act of invasion, and consequently, that hos- 
tilities were commenced by us and not by Mexico. 

It may be pardoned if we pause awhile to consider a sub- 
ject of such vital importance. The solution of the question 
was placed by one party upon the determination whether 
the Rio Grande was the boundary between Texas and 
Mexico before the battle of San Jacinto; and, if not, whether 
it has been made so since by competent authority. Up to 
that period it was asserted to be a recognized fact that the 
Nueces was the western boundary of Texas. Mr. John 
Q,uincy Adams, in his controversy with Don Luis De Onis, 
upon the Spanish boundar}^ question, in March, 1818-,* and 
Messieurs Pinckney and Monroe, in their argument with 
Cevallos at Madrid in April, lS05,t claimed the Rio Grande 
as the true limit between the United States and Mexico, by 
virtue of the ancient rights of France and the treaties between 
that sovereignty and the Spanish king.+ It was asserted, 

* American State papers, vol. 4, p. 468. 

t Id. vol. 2, p. 662. 

J As it may be important that the reader should understand the title to 
Louisiana under which the boundary of the Rio Grande was claimed, the 
following is a summary of its history. Louisiana originally belonged to 
France, but by a secret compact between that country and Spain in 1762, 
and by treaties, in the following year, between France, Spain, and Eng- 
land, the French dominion was extinguished on all the continent of Ame- 
rica. In consequence of the treaty between this country and England in 
1783, the Mississippi became the western boundary of the United States 
from its source to the 31° of north latitude, and thence, on the same paral- 
lel to the St. Mary's. France, it will be remembered, alv/ays had claimed 
dominion in Louisiana to the Rio Bravo or Rio Grande, by virtue 

1st. Of the discovery of the Mississippi from near its source to the ocean. 

2d. Of the possession taken, and establishment made by La Salle, at the hay of 
St. Bernard, ^oest of the rivers Trinity and Colorado, by authority of Louis XIV, 
in 1685 ; notwithstanding the subsequent destruction of the colony. 



ftlEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 107 

therefore, that by the cession of Louisiana all ihc rights of 
France over Texas, as an integral part of her territory, ac- 
crued to us; and consequently that when the State of Texas 
was united to this country it was only re-annexed with what 
were claimed to be its ancient limits. But this was not a 

3d. Of the charter of Louis XIV, to Crozat in 1712. 

4th. The historical authority of Du Pratz, Champigny, and the Count de 
Vergeunes. 

5th. Of the authority of De Lisle's map, and of the map published in 
1762 by Don Thomas Lopez, geographer to the king of Spain, as well as of 
various other maps, atlases, and geographical and historical authorities. 

By an article of the secret treaty of San Ildefonso, in October, 1800, 
Spain retroceded Louisiana to France ; yet this treaty was not promulgated 
till the beginning of 1802. The pai'agraph of cession is as follows: "His 
Catholic majesty engages to retrocede to the French republic, six months 
after the full and entire execution of the conditions and stipulations above 
recited relative to his Royal Highness, the Duke of Parma, the colony and 
province of Louisiana, with the same extent that it already has in the 
hands of Spain, and that it had when France possessed it, and such as it should 
be, aftei*the treaties passed subsequently between Spain and other powers." 
In 1803, Bonaparte, the first consul of the French republic, ceded Louis- 
iana to the United States, as fully and in the same manner as it had been 
retroceded to France by Spain in the treaty of San Ildefonso ; and, by vir- 
tue of this grant. Messieurs Madison, Monroe, Adams, Clay, Van Buren, 
and Jackson contended that the original limits of the state had been the 
Rio Grande. However, by the 3rd article of our treaty with Spain in 
1819, all our pretensions to extend the territory of Louisiana towards 
Mexico or the Rio Grande, were resigned and abandoned by adopting the 
River Sabine as our southern confine in that quarter. See Lyman's diplo- 
macy of the United States. Vol. 1, p. 368, and vol. 2. p. 136. 

The following extract from a valuable letter with which the author was 
favored by Ex-President Adams, who, as secretary of state, conducted the 
negotiations with Spain, will explain his opinions and acts upon a subject 
of so much importance. 

QuiNCY, 7th July, 1847. 

* « * w *. « * * » 

" Whoever sets out with an inquiry respecting the right of territories in 
the American hemisphere claimed by Europeans, must begin by settling 



108 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

true statement of the controversy, for after our treaty with 
Spain the aspect of the affair changed. The question then 
was no longer what had been the boundary under the laws 
between France and Spain, or between Spain and the 
United States, — but what were the limits either under the 

certain conventional principles of right and wrong before he can enter 
upon the discussion. 

"For example what right had Columbus to Cat Island, otherwise called 
Guanahani ? Who has the right to it now and how came they by it ? The 
flag of St. George and the Dragon now waves over it ; but who had the 
right to take possession of it because Christopher Columbus found it, — the 
paltriest island in the midst of the ocean. European statesmen, warriors, 
and writers on what are called the laws of nations, have laid down a sys- 
tem of laws upon which they found this right. Have the Carribee In- 
dians, in whose possession that Island was discovered by Columbus, ever 
assented to that system of right and wrong ? 

"You remember that Hume, in commencing his history of England by 
the Roman conquest says — "that without seeking any more justifiable rea- 
sons of hostility than were employed by the later Europeans in subjecting 
the Africans and the Americans, they sent over an army under the com- 
mand of Plautius, an able general, who gained some victories, and made a 
considerable progress in subduing the inhabitants." Then, no European 
has ever had any better right to take possession of America, than Julius 
Caesar and the Romans had to take possession of the island of Britain. 

"What then was the right either of France or Spain to the possession 
of the province of Texas ? ■ To come to any question of right between the 
parties upon the subject you must agree upon certain conventional princi- 
ples : where and when your question of right must become applicable to 
the facts ; and, as between them, it was a disputed question, and had been 
so from the discovery of the mouth of the Mississippi river by La Salle, 
and from his second expedition to find the mouth of the Mississippi coming 
from the ocean, in which he perished. 

" Spain had prior claims to the country, but the claim of France was 
founded upon the last voyage of La Salle, and by extending a supposed 
derivative right, from the spot v/here La Salle landed half way to the 
nearest Spanish settlement. 

" Mr. Monroe and Mr. Charles Pinckney, in their correspondence with 
Cevallos, assumed this as a settled principle between European nations, in 
the discussion of right to American territory. It was not contested, but 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 109 

colonial government of the Mexican viceroyalty, or under 
the laws of Mexico, when she became an independeat re- 
public. It was asserted that no map or geography existed 
since the establishment of the republic that did not lay down 
the boundary north of the Rio Grande. The map of Texas, 
compiled by Stephen H. Austin, the parent of Texan colo- 
nization, published at Philadelphia in 1835, and setting forth 
all the Mexican grants in Texas, represents the Rio Nueces 
as the western boundary. General Almonte in 1834, as I 
have previously stated, alleged, upon the authority of the 
State government of Coahuila and Texas that the boundary 
between them was even east of the Nueces. This was pro- 
bably in accordance with the ancient Spanish division; for, 
in 1805 Cevallos declared to our ministers at Madrid that the 
province of Texas, " where the Spaniards have had settle- 
ments from the ITth century, was bounded on the east b}^ 
Louisiana, and contains the extensive country which lies be- 
tween the river Medina where the government of Coahuila 
ends, and the post now abandoned." Authorities to this 

was not assented to on the part of Spain; and, having found it laid down 
by Messieurs Monroe and Pincicney, 1 argued upon it, and it was never 
directly answered by Don Luis De Onis, who could not controvert it with- 
out going to the Pope's BuU.f 

" As between France and Spain therefore, I maintained that the question 
of right, had alv/ays been disputed and never was settled, from which 
opinion I have not since varied. That we had a shadow of right beyond 
the Sabine I never believed since the conclusion of the Florida treaty, and, 
it is from the date of that treaty, that Great Britain had not a shadow of 
right upon the Oregon territory until we have been pleased to confer it 
upon her." 

****** *** 

" I am, dear sir, with great respect, your very obedient servant, 

J. Q. ADAMS." 
To Brantz Mayer, Esq., Baltimore." 

t Alexander Vlth's Bull of Donation. 



110 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

effect might be extensively multiplied.* Brazos de Santiago 
was a Mexican port of entry, which continued to be held up 
to the period of hostilities, and Laredo was a small Mexican 
town, occupied by a Mexican garrison. If such was the 
geographical division between Texas and Mexico on the 
lower Rio Grande, near its mouth in the gulf, it was asserted 
that there could be infinitely less right to claim it as a limit 
nearer its source, since Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico, 
had never been within the jurisdiction of Texas, and since 
the boundaries of Chihuahua commenced near the head 
waters of the Nueces, 

These were some of the arguments used by individuals 
who deemed the march to Point Isabel an invasion of Mexi- 
can territory. It is just that a few reasons should also be 
presented on behalf of those who believed it to be lawful or 
expedient. 

When Santa Anna was captured after the battle of San 
Jacinto in 1836, the leading men in Texas had great diffi- 
culty in rescuing him from popular vengeance for the massa- 

* See " Matthew Carey's general map of the world," — 29th map — pub- 
lished 1814. — Kemiedy's Texas, p. 4. — Mrs. Holley's Texas. — History of 
Texas, by D. B. Edwards, preceptor of Gonzales Seminary, Texas, 1836, 
p. 14. He says: — "Texas is bounded on the north by Red river, which 
divides it from Arkansas, Ozark District, and New Mexico; on the south 
by the Gulf of Mexico and the Rio de las Nueces, ivhich divides it from the 
States of Coahuila and Tamaulipas ; on the east by the eastern branch of the 
river Sabine and the State of Louisiana ; on the west by the State of Coa- 
huila and the territory of New Mexico." 

Accompanying the work is a map of Texas with boundaries, as laid 
down above. In a note on one corner of the map, speaking of the 
Rio Grande, he says: "J/" this river should ever become the western 
boundary of Texas (as desired by the inhabitants) it will add a hundred 
miles to its sea-coast and fifty thousand square miles to its superficies ; the 
southern section of the surface is sandy, barren prairie, almost destitute of 
water ; and its northern rocky, sterile mountains, nearly as destitute of 
timber." 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 1 1 1 

cres he had committed. The victory over the central chief — 
the despot and dictator of Mexico — was generally believed 
to be a crowning measure of success, for the bitter persecutor 
soon dwindled into the humble supplicant, and pledged 
his name and his oath to secure the* independence of the 
rebellious State. Accordingly, with every appearance and 
promise of good faith and honor, he executed contracts 
with the Texan authorities which deserve consideration in 
discussing this question. On the 14th of May, 1836, at Ve- 
lasco, two of these documents were signed by Santa Anna, 
Burnet, Collingsworth, Hardiman and Grayson, — the first 
being a public, and the second a secret convention between 
the parties. The third article of the first paper stipulates 
that the Mexican troops shall evacuate the territory of Tex- 
as, passing to the other side of the Rio Grande^ while the 
fourth article of the secret agreement declares that a treaty of 
amity, commerce and limits shall be made between Mekico 
and Texas, tJie territory of the latter power not to extend 
beyond the Rio Bravo del Norte, or Rio Grande. In con- 
formity with these contracts, Texas set free the prisoner, 
whose " prompt release and departure for Vera Cruz," ac- 
cording to their tenor, " were necessary for the fulfilment 
of his solemn oath^'' to obtain a recognition of the indepen- 
dence of Texas, and to dispose the Mexican cabinet for the 
reception of commissioners.* 

Santa Anna returned to his country in disgrace after his 
disastrous campaign, and lurked in retirement at his farm 
until the French attacked Vera Cruz, when he tbrew him- 
self again at the head of the departmental forces. In the 
action he fortunately lost a limb, and by the skilful display 
of his mutilation in defence of Mexico, he renewed his 

* Primera Campaiia de Tejas : by Ramon Martinez Caro, secretary of 
Santa Anna, pp. 123, 125. 



112 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

claims to national gratitude. Instead, however, of using his 
influence to obtain the treaty, promised as the boon for his 
life, he became at once the bitterest foe of Texas, and pledged 
himself to fight " forever for its reconquest." Texas, mean- 
while, acting in good faith, and presuming to adopt the spi- 
rit and letter of the convention with Santa Anna, whom she 
naturally regarded as the dictator of Mexico, passed the act 
of December 19, 1836, establishing the Rio Grande as her 
boundary from the gulf to its source. Besides this, her 
congress created senatorial and representative districts west 
of the Nueces; organized and defined limits of counties 
extending to the Rio Grande; created courts of justice; 
spread her judicial system over the country wherever her 
people roamed, and performed other acts of sovereignty 
which we are compelled not to disregard. It cannot be 
contended that these acts and agreements were alone suflfi- 
cient, under the laws of nations, to confer upon Texas un- 
questionable rights over the soil between the Nueces and the 
Rio Grande, for a contract with the captive president and 
general was not legally binding ; but it is equally clear that 
all these arguments of the old authorities as to the original 
boundary, and all the new claims set up by Texas, under 
her statutes, as well as stipulations with Santa Anna, made 
that territory a disputed ground whose real ownership could 
only be equitably settled by negotiation. The strong language 
of both the contracts, just recited, seems to concede the 
fact that the president of Mexico regarded, at least the lower 
Rio Grande, as already the real boundary between Mexico 
and Texas, notwithstanding the opinion of Almonte in 1834; 
and consequently that it was neither the subject of treaty or 
agreement at that moment, nor could- it become so after- 
wards when commissioners were appointed. 
When Texas was annexed to the United States she was 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 113 

received with these asserted limits, though she did not join 
the Union with any specific boundaries.* It was thought 
best by both parties to leave the question of confines open 
between Mexico and our country, so as not to complicate 
the national entanglements. After the congress of the 
United States and convention in Texas had acted upon the 
joint resolution it was impossible for us to recede. The 
course of our presidents, therefore, was at once pacific and 
soothing towards Mexico. For although they believed that 
republic had no right to be consulted as to the annexation 
of Texas, a free and independent State, they nevertheless 
admitted all her natural and just privileges in regard to 
boundary. Mr. Tyler and Mr. Polk therefore despatched 
envoys to Mexico with the offer of liberal negotiations as 
soon as a favorable opportunity presented itself. But the 
charge and minister of Mr. Tyler were scornfully rejected, 
while Mr. Slidell, as has been already related, was refused 
an audience upon frivolous pretences at a moment when the 
Mexican secretary was secretly craving to receive him.f 

In such a juncture what was the duty of the United 
States ? It is an easy matter for speculative philosophers or 
political critics to find fault with the conduct of statesmen 

* Mr. Donelson wrote to Mr. Buchanan on the 2d July, 1845, from Wash- 
ington, Texas, as follows : "My position is that we can hold Corpus Christi 
and all other points up the Nueces. If attacked, the right of defence will 
authorise us to expel the Mexicans to the Rio Grande. It is better for us 
to await the attack than incur the risk of embarrassing the question of an- 
nexation with the consequences of immediate possession of the territory 
on the Rio Grande. * * * The government left for treaty arrange- 
ment the boundai-y question in the propositions for a definitive treaty of 
peace. H. of R. doc. No. 2, 29th cong. 1st sess. pp. 78, 79. 

1 1 am informed by Mr. Parrott, the secretary of legation who accompa- 
nied Mr. Slidell, that no form of letters of credence — or evidence of pow- 
ers as " commissioner to settle the Texan dispute,'''' would have secured a hear- 
ing for our envoy. The mob, the army, and Paredes were determined 
that no missionary of peace should be received from the United States. 
15 



114 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

and to become prophets of woe after the occurrence of 
events they deprecate. But such men are timid actors on 
the world's stage, and especially in such a theatre of folly 
as the Mexican rep ublic^T"^ 'Governments have but two ways 
of settling international disputes, — either by negotiation or 
war, — and, even the latter must be concluded by diplomacy, 
for nations rarely fight until one of them is completely anni- 
hilated. Negotiation, or the attempt to negotiate, had been 
completely exhausted by us. Meanwhile Mexico continued 
to excite our curiosity by spasmodic struggles in nerving 
her people for the war, as well as by gasconading despatches 
which breathed relentless animosity to our country for the 
annexation of Texas. Nevertheless, this sensitive and 
vaunting nation would neither make peace, establish boun- 
daries, negotiate, nor declare war. Was it reasonable that 
such a frantic state of things should be permitted to con- 
tinue ?''^^ould this perverse aversion to fighting or friend- 
ship be tolerated? Were our countries to conclude an eter- 
nal compact of mutual hatred and non intercourse? Was 
such childisli obstinacy and weakness to be connived at in 
our country? Was it due to common sense, justice, or the 
preservation of a good neighborhood that we should remain 
supine under insane threats and dishonorable treatment? 
We asserted that, upon the Texas question, we had rightly 
no dispute with Mexico, except as to the boundary involved 
in the territory our forces were then occupying or about to 
cross. We did not design discussing our right to annex 
Texas. That was an act accomplished and unalterable. It 
was, doubtless, exceedingly convenient for Mexico to main- 
tain this pacific state of quasi-war and to reject, alike, our 
amity and hostilities, as long as she owed us many millions 
of dollars and refused either to pay principal or interest, or 
to conclude a treaty for the settlement of unadjusted claims. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 115 

Whilst her government was able to enforce non-mtercourse, 
it was free from importunity and payment. But this adroit 
scheme of insolvency was unjust to our citizens, and only 
served to augment the liabilities of Mexico. What then 
remained to be done ? The reply may be found in a signi- 
ficant anecdote related by Mr. Adams in a speech in con- 
gress on the Oregon question, on the 2d of January, 1846. 
"After negotiating" — said he — "for twenty years about 
this matter we may take possession of the subject matter of 
negotiation. Indeed, we may negotiate after we take pos- 
session, and this is the military way of doing business. 
When Frederick the Great came to the throne of Prussia he 
found that his father had equipped for him an army of a 
hundred thousand men. Meeting soon after the Austrian 
minister, the latter said to him: "Your father has given you 
a great army, but ours has seen the wolf, whilst your ma- 
jesty's has not." "W.ell — well!" exclaimed Frederick, "I 
will soon give it an opportunity to see the wolf!" Fred- 
erick then added, in his memoirs: — "I had some excellent 
old pretensions to an Austrian province, which some of my 
ancestors owned one or two centuries before; accordingly I 
sent an ambassador to the court of Austria stating my claim, 
and presenting a full exposition of my right to the province. 
The same day my ambassador was received in Vienna, I 
entered Silesia with ray army!"* 

* The claim of Frederick the Ilnd to Silesia was considered plausible. As 
Bohemia renounced not only the possession, but all its rights to Silesia by 
the treaties of Breslau and Berlin and other subsequent treaties, the kings 
of Prussia pretended, that by virtue of the renunciation, they became sov- 
ereign dukes of the country and not subject to the emperor in their new- 
character. To this claim it was replied that Bohemia being an imperial 
State, could not, of its own authority, destroy the feudal tenure by which 
Silesia was attached to it, and through it to the empire. The question was 
rendered more intricate, for one party considered Bohemia feudal only as 



116 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

Such would be a prompt and impulsive answer to the 
manifold prevarications of seditious Mexico. But the army 
we advanced and the country we occupied, were neither the 
army of Frederick nor the pleasant vales of rich and popu- 
lous Silesia, A nearly desolate waste, stretched from the 
Nueces to the Rio Grande, barren alike in soil and inhabi- 
tants, and tempting none to its dreary wilderness but noma- 
dic rancheros or outlaws who found even Mexico no place 
of refuge for their wickedness. It was, surely, not a land 
worthy of bloodshed, and yet, in consequence of its sterility, 
it became of vast importance on a frontier across whose 
wide extent enemies might pass unobserved and unmolested. 
With the entire command of the Rio Grande from its source 
to its mouth in the hands of our enemy, and the whole of 
this arid region flanking the stream and interposing itself 
between Mexico and our troops, it is evident that our ad- 
versaries would possess unusual advantages over us either 
for offensive or defensive war. The mere control of the em- 
bouchure of the river was no trivial superiority, for, on a 
stormy and inhospitable coast, it was almost impossible to 
support an effectual blockade and thus prevent the enemy 
from being succored along his whole frontier with arms and 
provisions from abroad. By seizing, however, the usual 
points of transit and entrance on the lower Rio Grande 
many of these evils might be avoided ; and, if Mexico ulti- 
mately resolved on hostilities, we should be enabled to throw 
our forces promptly across the river, and by rapid marches 

to the electoral dignity, but as a kingdom free and independent of Ger- 
many. The Germans argued that Silesia was part of the empire, the 
Prussians considered it a separate and independent State. Frederick took 
advantage of these "state right" doctrines to sustain his claim, as Texas 
took advantage of her state right sovereignty when the central despotism 
of Santa Anna overthrew the federal constitution of 1824. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 117 

obtain the command of all the militaiy positions of vantage 
along her north-eastern boundary. 

The foresight of Frederick the Great disclosed to him the 
militaiy value of Silesia in the event of a war with Austria, 
and it was probably that circumstance, quite as much as his 
alleged political rights, that induced him to enter it with an 
army on the day when he commenced negotiations. He 
began the war with Austria by surprising Saxony, and, 
during all his difficulties, clung tenaciously to the possession 
of Silesia. Saxony was important as a military barrier 
covering Prussia on the side of Austria, w^iile Silesia in- 
dented deeply the line of the Austrian frontier and flanked a 
large part of Bohemia.* Thus Saxony and Silesia formed 
a natural fortification for Prussia, just as the deserts of the 
disputed land, when in our rear, covered the undefended 
confines of Texas at the same time that they gave us the 
keys to the enemy's country at Point Isabel and Matamoros. 



V. 



It may be asserted that, when vacant or nearly vacant 
territory is in controversy between two nations, and forms 
the only subject of real dispute between them, it would be 
better for both to refrain from an attempt to occupy it, pro- 
vided they are willing to arbitrate the quarrel, or settle it by 
diplomacy. But, when both parties assert claims, both have 
equal rights to enter it, when negotiation fails. The deci- 
sion is then to be made only by intimidation or war. />^here 
is no alternative by which collision can be escaped, and it 
is the duty of the wiser of the disputants to place his na- 
tional forces in such an advantageous position as either to 
defend his acknowledged territoiy or force himself to be 
driven from the soil he claims. "I do not consider the 
march to the Rio Grande to have been the cause of the 
* Arnold's fourth lecture on Modern History. 



118 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

war" — said a distinguished statesman, " any more than I 
consider the British march on Concord or Lexington to have 
been the cause of the American revolution, or the crossing 
of the Rubicon to have been the cause of the civil war in 
Rome. The march to the Rio Grande brought on the colli- 
sion of arms, but, so far from being the cause of the war, it 
was itself the effect of those causes," 

The power of declaring war is expressly reserved by the 
constitution to congress, and, though the president is com- 
mander in chief of the army when called into actual service, 
he should be extremely cautious in issuing orders or doing 
acts which may lead to hostilities resulting in war. Our 
congress was in session in January, 1846, when Mr. Slidell 
was rejected by Mexico, when our international relations 
were complicated as I have described, and when the secre- 
tary of war, by the president's direction, gave the order for 
Taylor's advance to the Rio Grande. This was an act that 
brought the armies of Mexico and the United States in front 
of each other ; and although there can be no doubt that con- 
gress would have authorised the movement of our troops 
under the military advice of General Taylor, — provided the 
Rio Grande was to be made an ultimatum in the ratification 
of a treaty by our senate, — it is, nevertheless, to be pro- 
foundly regretted that the question was not previously sub- 
mitted to our national representatives. At that moment the 
public mind was distracted between Mexico and England; 
but the Oregon question nearly absorbed the apparently 
minor difficulties with our restive neighbor. Congress con- 
templated the solemn probability of war with one of the 
mightiest nations of our age, and even some of our expe- 
rienced statesmen, — as we have seen in the example of Mr. 
Adams, — recommended the most stringent measures of 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 119 

armed occupation. At such a crisis, and with a confiden- 
tial knowledge of all our foreign relations, it was the duty 
of the president to represent these matters frankly to con- 
gress and to ask the opinion of his constitutional advisers, 
as he subsequently did in the settlement of the dispute with 
Great Britain. This prudent act would have saved the ex- 
ecutive from needless responsibility, whilst it indicated a 
sensitive devotion to the behests of our constitution. Con- 
gress met whilst our troops were encamped at Corpus 
Christi, as an army of observation, whose hostile, though 
protective character, was unquestionable; yet our represen- 
tatives neither ordered its return nor refused it supplies. 
This denoted a willingness to sanction measures which 
might either pacify Mexico, or impose upon ' that republic 
the immediate alternative of war. It is not improbable that 
congress would have adopted such a course, because, ac- 
cording to the pretensions of Mexico, our troops had already 
invaded her domains. This is an important view of the 
question which should not be passed by silently. Mexico, 
it must be remembered, never relinquished her right to re- 
conquer Texas, but always claimed the whole province as 
her own, asserting a determination to regard its union with 
our confederacy as justifiable cause of war. The joint-re- 
solution, alone, was therefore a belligerent act of the con- 
gress of the United States, suflScient, according to the doc- 
trine of Mexico, to compel hostile retaliation. But, more- 
over, as the entire soil of Texas, from the Sabine to the 
Nueces or Rio Grande was still claimed by Mexico as her 
unsurrendered country, the landing of a single American 
soldier anywhere south of our ancient boundary with Spain, 
was quite as hostile an invasion of Mexican territory as the 
passage of our army from Corpus Christi to Point Isabel. 



120 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

Occasions upon which the eminent right of self protec- 
tion has been adopted as a principle of action in the United 
States, are not wanting in our political history. The circum- 
stances in all, are of course not precisely the same, but the 
policy is identical. The conduct of our government in re- 
gard to General Jackson's invasion of Florida for the sup- 
pression of Indian cruelties may be referred to. But con- 
gress might have found a still more analogous case, in the 
dispute between Spain and the United States as to the east- 
ern limits of Louisiana. Spain alleged that Florida ex- 
tended to the Mississippi, embracing what was then a wil- 
derness, but, now, forms the populous States of Alabama 
and Mississippi; while our government asserted that all the 
territory eastward of the Mississippi and extending to the 
Rio Perdido, belonged of right to us by virtue of the treaty 
concluded at Paris on the 30th of April, 1803. By acts of 
congress in 1803 and 1804 the president was authorized to 
take possession of the territory ceded by France, to establish 
a provisional government, to lay duties on goods imported 
into it ; and, moreover, whenever he deemed it expedient, to 
erect the bay and river Mobile into a separate district, in 
which he might establish a port of entry and delivery. 

In 1810, President Madison believing that the United 
States had too long acquiesced in the temporary continuance 
of this territory under Spanish domain, and that nothing was 
to be gained from Spain by candid discussion and amicable 
negotiation for several years, solved the difficulty by taking 
possession of Mobile and Baton Rouge and extending our 
jurisdiction to the Perdido. This possession, he took means 
to ensure, if needful, by military force. Mr. Madison's con- 
duct was assailed in congress by the federalists who regarded 
it as an unjustifiable and offensive demonstration against 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 121 

Spain, but it was defended with equal warmth by the oppo- 
sition, — especially by Mr. Clay, — and the Rio Perdido has 
ever since continued to form, the western limit of Florida.* 

When nations are about to undertake the dread responsi- 
bility of war, and to spread the sorrow and ruin which al- 
ways mark the pathway of victorious or defeated armies, 
they should pause to contemplate the enormity of their en- 
terprise as well as the principles that can alone justify them 
in the sight of God and man. Human life cannot be law- 
fully destroyed, assailed or endangered for any other object 
than that of just defence of person or principle, yet it is 
not a legal consequence that defensive wars are always 
Just.f 

" It is the right of a State," said that profound moralist 
and statesman, Sir James Mackintosh, " to take all measures 
necessary for her safety if it be attacked or threatened from 
without : provided always that reparation cannot otherwise 
be obtained ; that there is a reasonable prospect of obtain- 
ing it by arms ; and that the evils of the contest are not 
probably greater than the mischiefs of acquiescence in the 
wrong; including, on both sides of the deliberation, the 
ordinary consequences of the example as well as the imme- 
diate effects of the act. If reparation can otherwise be ob- 
tained, a nation has no necessary, and therefore no just 
cause of war ; if there be no probability of obtaining it by 
arms, a government cannot, with justice to their own nation, 
embark it in war ; and, if the evils of resistance should ap- 
pear on the whole greater than those of submission, wise 

* Waite's State papers, 1809-11, p. 261 ; and Clay's speech on the line 
of the Perdido. 
t Puffendorf, Lib. VIII, c. 6. — Note by Barbeyrac. 

16 



122 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

rulers will consider an abstinence from a pernicious exercise 
of right as a sacred duty to their own subjects, and a debt 
which every people owes to the great commonwealth of 
mankind, of which they and their enemies are alike mem- 
bers. A war is just against the wrongdoer when reparation 
for wrong cannot otherwise be obtained ; but is then only 
conformable to all the principles of morality when it is not 
likely to expose the nation by whom it is levied to greater 
evils than it professes to avert, and when it does not inflict 
on the nation which has done the wrong, sufferings altogether 
disproportioned to the extent of the injury. When the rulers 
of a nation are required to determine a question of peace or 
war, the bare justice of their case against the VvTongdoer 
never can be the sole, and is not always the chief matter on 
which they are morally bound to exercise a conscientious 
deliberation. Prudence in conducting the affairs of their 
subjects is in them a part of justice." 

These are the true principles by which Mexico should 
have judged the controversy between us, before she rejected 
all our efforts to negotiate, and forced our government to 
prepare for hostilities 

The idea of war, for mere conquest, seems now to be ob- 
solete among civilized nations. To political dominion, as 
exhibited in the various governments of the old world, and 
in most of the new, geographical limits are definitely as- 
signed. This fact must, hereafter, greatly modify the objects 
of war, by narrowing them to principles instead of territory. 
Principles, however, are always the fair subjects of contro- 
versy for the diplomatic art. Yet such is the perversity of 
human nature, that, although we are convinced of the pro- 
priety and possibility of adjusting our disputes by reason. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 123 

we nevertheless go to war for these very principles, and, 
after having done each other an incalculable amount of in- 
jury, at last sit down like cripples, to negotiate the very 
matters which ought to have been treated and terminated 
diplomatically at first. It is, perhaps, the folly of mankind 
to believe that there is more wisdom in negotiators and 
diplomacy when nations are lame and weakened by war than 
when they are full of the vigorous energy and intelligence 
of peace! 

Note. — It may be useful to record the following proclamation of General 
Woll, before annexation, in order to show, that the agreements between 
Santa Anna and the Texans in 1836, are not the only Mexican documents 
in existence which seemed to open the boundary question between Texas 
and Tamaulipas. 

"Headquarters of the Arnuj of the Js'orth, Mier, June 20, 1844. 

"I, Adrian Woll, general of brigade, &c., make known: 

"1. The armistice agreed on with the department of Texas having ex- 
pired, and the war being, in consequence, recommenced against the inhabi- 
tants of that department, all communication with it ceases. 

"2. Every individual, of whatever condition, who may contravene pro- 
visions of the preceding article, shall be regarded as a traitor, and shall 
receive the punishment prescribed in article 45, title 10, treatise 8, of the 
articles of war. 

" 3. Every individual icho may be found at the distance of one league from the 
left bank of the Rio Bravo, icill be regarded as a favorer and accomplice of the 
iiswycrs of that part of the national territory, and as a traitor to his cowiti'y ; 
and, after a summary military trial, shall receive the said punishment. 

" 4. Every individual who may be comprehended within the provisions 
of the preceding article, and may be rash enough to fly at the sight of any 
force belonging to the supreme government, shall be pursued until taken, 
or put to death. 

" 5. In consideration of the situation of the towns of La Reda and Santa 
Rita de Ampudia, as well as of all the farm hoiises beyond the Rio Bravo, I 
have this day received, from the supreme government, orders to determine 
the manner by which those interested are to be protected ; but, until 
the determination of the supreme government be received, I Avarn all 
those who are beyond the limits here prescribed, to bring them within 
the line, or to abandon them ; as those who disobey this order, will infalli- 
bly suffer the punishment here established. ADRIAN WOLL. 



CHAPTER III. 

Army marches from Corpus Christi — Taylor prepares the Mexicans for his 
advance — Description of the march — Beautiful prairie and desolate sand- 
wilderness — Rattlesnakes — Chapparal — The Arroyo Colorado — First 
hostile demonstrations of the Mexicans — Expected fight — Cross the Colo- 
rado — Worth and Taylor separate — True nature of discipline — Charac- 
ters of Mexican and American soldiers contrasted. 

On the 8th of March, 1846, the joyous news ran through 
the American camp, at Corpus Christi, that the tents were 
at last to be struck. The worn out soldiery had nothing to 
regret in quitting a spot where their eyes were only relieved 
by looking from the dreary sea in front to the desolate prai- 
rie in the rear. General Taylor had already taken means to 
prepare the Mexicans for his advance, although he scarcely 
expected resistance. Respectable citizens from Matamoros 
had frequently visited his camp; and to all of those who 
were represented as possessing influence at home he pro- 
claimed the unhostile feelings of our government towards 
their country, and that when our army marched southward 
it would not pass the Rio Grande unless Mexico provoked 
war. He invariably apprized these strangers of his resolu- 
tion to protect the peaceful inhabitants in all their rights and 
usages, as well as to pay for every thing needed by his forces 
instead of plundering the country for support. 

Accordingly, on the morning of the 8th of the month, the 
advanced guard, composed of the cavalry and Major Ring- 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 125 

gold's light artillery, — the whole under the command of 
Colonel Twiggs, and numbering twenty-three officers and 
three hundred and eighty-seven men, — took up its line of 
march towards Matamoras. This corps was succeeded by 
the brigades of infantry, the last of which departed on the 
11th followed immediately by the commander in chief with his 
staff. The weather was favorable; the roads in tolerable 
order; the troops in good condition notwithstanding the 
winter's hardships ; while a general spirit of animation per- 
vaded the whole body, inspired as it was with the hope of 
adventure in the neighborhood of an enemy. All, therefore, 
departed on this day from Corpus Christi by land, except 
the command of Major Monroe, who was to reach the Bra- 
zos de Santiago in transports under convoy of the United 
States brig Porpoise and the Woodbury. This officer was 
to embark w^ith a seige train and field battery, in season 
to reach his destination when the army would be in the vi- 
cinity of Point Isabel. 

The last adieus of our forces to their dreaiy winter quar- 
ter were by no means tearful, as with colors flying and 
music playing, they crossed the sandy hills that concealed 
it forever from their sight. The first day's march passed 
through alternate patches of prairies and timber to the 
Nueces ; but, on the two next, these sad wastes were ex- 
changed for splendid fields blossoming with flowers of every 
hue. A delicious fragrance filled the air, and the whole 
surface of the earth as far as the eye could reach, seemed 
covered with a beautiful carpet. The edge of the horizon, 
in every direction, was crowded with wild animals. On 
one side thousands of mustangs curvetted over the gentle 
elevations of the rolling prairie; on another herds of deer 
might be seen standing for a moment filled with wonder at 
the unwonted sight of human beings, and then bounding oflf 



126 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

until they were lost in the vast distance. Beautiful ante- 
lopes, nimble as the wind, were beheld in countless num- 
bers, while pecarys and wild bulls rushed in droves across 
the path of our men. But, on the fourth day of the march, 
this scene of enchantment suddenly vanished. Uncultivated 
prairies and immense herds of savage beasts had already 
testified the abandoned state of the countiy; yet the region 
our forces now entered disclosed the frightful "nakedness 
of the land." The water became exceedingly bad, and 
there was scarcely fuel enough for culinary purposes. The 
blooming vegetation of the preceding days was exchanged 
for sands through which the weary men and cattle toiled 
with extreme difficulty. Salt lagunes spread out on every 
side. At each step the fatigued soldier plunged ankle- deep 
in the yielding soil; while a scorching sun shone over him 
and not a breath of air relieved his sufferings. At times, a 
verdant forest loomed up along the heated horizon, fringed 
by limpid lakes, and our wearied columns moved on gaily, 
cheated, again and again, by the hope of shade and water. 
Suddenly the beautiful groves dwindled into jagged clumps 
of thorns or aloes, and the fairy lakes changed to salt and 
turbid lagunes. "The wormwood star had fallen on every 
thing and turned the waters to bitterness." The plant 
whose piercing spines and sword-like leaves have entitled it 
to the name of the " Spanish bayonet," was the hermit 
shrub of this dreadful Zaharah. Around its roots the snakes 
lurked and crawled. Whenever the soldiers' path was un- 
impeded by these annoyances, scarifying his limbs as he ad- 
vanced, the ground seemed heated and sinking like the 
scoria of Vesuvius. Man and beast sank exhausted and 
panting on the earth. The want and value of delicious 
water are never known till we pass a day like this under the 
burning rays of a tropical sun, toiling on foot over a scorched 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 127 

and arid soil without refreshment! At length the word ran 
along the line tliat it was approaching a lake whose waters 
were not salt. " Under the excitement of hope the faint and 
exhausted infantry pressed onward with renewed life, while, 
some miles ahead, the artillery were seen to halt enjoying 
the luxuiy of water. As the soldiers reached it all discipline 
was forgotten; their arms were thrown down, and they 
rushed boldly in, thrusting their heads beneath the waves in 
their desire to quench the thirst that was consuming their 
vitals."* 

Such is the natural aspect and character of the desolate re- 
gion between the Nueces and the Rio Grande, — a chequered 
wilderness of sand and verdure, — fit only for the wild beasts 
that inhabit it, and properly described in former days, as a 
a suitable frontier between the great republics of North 
America. 

On the 21st of March, all our forces concentrated on the 
Arroyo Colorado, — a salt stream or lagune nearly one hun- 
dred yards broad, and so deep as to be scarcely fordable, — 
situated about thirty miles north of Matamoros. Had the 
enemy attacked us here his assault would have been for- 
midable, wearied as were our troops with the distressing 
marches of previous days. Bold, bluff banks, twenty or 
thirty feet high, hem in the stream, whose borders, on both 
sides, are lined, for a considerable breadth, with impervious 
thickets of chapparal. These thorny groves are to be found 
in all sections of the south, varying in size from a few yards 
to a mile in thickness, so closely interlaced and matted with 
briers and bushes as to prevent the passage of animals larger 
than a hare. They are the sorest annoyances of travellers 
in Mexico, and often force the wayfarer to make a long cir- 

• * Army on the Rio Grande, p. 13. 



12S HISTORY OF THE "WAR BETWEEN 

cuit to pass' their limits, though they reward him for his 
trouble by supplying an abundance of the tuna — a luscious 
fruit of the prickly pear, — which grows luxuriantly on these 
natural and impenetrable walls. 

Such, with the barrier of the stream, was the fortification 
nature had interposed for the safe guard of Mexico at the 
Arroyo Colorado. But the inert natives seemed indisposed 
to take advantage of those rare defences, though not without 
some hostile demonstration which the resolute conduct of 
Taylor soon overcame. 

When our advanced corps encamped near the banks of 
the stream on the 19th, an armed reconnoisance was sent 
forward to examine the country. On reaching the river, our 
scouts discovered that the opposite side was lined with a 
body of ranchero cavalry, from whom they learned, although 
no opposition was made to our examination of the ford, 
that we should be treated as enemies if we attempted to pass 
it. Impossible as it was to ascertain accurately the amount 
of the opposing force, our men were prepared for the worst, 
and, at an early hour of the 20th, the cavalry and first bri- 
gade of infantry were thrown in position, at the ford, while 
the batteries of field artillery were formed so as to sweep 
the opposite bank. All was now anxiety and eagerness 
among our gallant men. Far along the borders of the river, 
above and below, the bugles of the enemy were heard ring- 
ing out in the clear morning air. But the hope of frighten- 
ing our men by overwhelming numbers was of no avail. 
Our pioneers worked steadily on the road they were cutting 
to the brink of the river; and, when all was ready for the 
passage, the adjutant general of the Mexican forces appeared 
on the ground for a final effort of intimidation. With Span- 
ish courtesy, he informed our general that positive orders 
were given to his men to fire upon our forces if thejf at- 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 129 

tempted to cross, and that our passage of the river would be 
considered a declaration of war. At the same time he placed 
in Taylor's hands a warlike proclamation issued by Mejia 
at Matamoros on the 18th, containing unequivocal manifes- 
tations of the intention of the Mexicans to molest us. 

Our cornraander-in-chief, however, was not to be deterred 
by these threats from the fulfilment of the orders he had re- 
ceived to pass the Rio Grande. He answered the officer 
that he would " immediately cross the river, and that if his 
hostile party showed itself on the other bank after our pas- 
sage was commenced, it would unquestionably receive the 
fire of our artillery." In the meantime the second brigade, 
which had encamped some miles in our rear, came up and 
formed on the extreme right ; and, as the road to the river 
bank was by this time completed, the order to advance was 
given. 

It was a moment of intense excitement. What forces 
might not lurk behind the dense walls of chapparal, ready 
to dash upon our ranks as they deployed on the other side? 
Our artillerists stood to their aimed and loaded guns. The 
Mexicans were doubtless eager and panting for resistance 
in the rear of the bristling plants that lined the lofty parapet 
of the river's bank. Eveiy eye was strained upon the first 
daring rank that was to plunge into the stream as a " forlorn 
hope." Mexico would fight now if ever ; for her mettle 
was as yet untried ! For an instant, profound silence reigned 
along the anxious line which the next moment might be in- 
volved in the fire of battle. Suddenly the gallant Worth 
spurred to the head of our troops, and dashing boldly into 
the flood, waved them on to the further shore. But not a 
shot was fired by the recreant foe, and as our men rose 
shouting from the water and rushed up the steeps of the op- 
posite bank they beheld the valiant Mexicans in brisk retreat 
17 



130 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

towards Matainoros! The fugitives were unmolested; — a 
laugh of scorn and pity ran through our ranks; — and, before 
nightfall, the first and second brigades of infantry, with a 
train of two hundred wagons had crossed the stream and 
encamped three miles from its banks. 

This was an important affair, as it was the first in which 
the Mexicans showed themselves in a decidedly hostile atti- 
tude; and it furnished an excellent opportunity to try the 
mettle of our men both in spirit and discipline. Not a sol- 
dier faltered. 

On the morning of the 23d of March, General Taylor 
departed with his whole army from the camp near the Colo- 
rado. After a march of fifteen miles he reached, on the 
24th, a position on the route from Matamoros to Point Isa- 
bel, — distant about eighteen miles from the former and ten 
from the latter, — where he left the infantry brigades under 
the command of General Worth, with instructions to press 
on in the direction of Matamoros until a suitable position 
for encampment was obtained, at which he might halt, hold- 
ing the route in observation, whilst the commander-in-chief 
proceeded with the cavalry to Point Isabel. At that post 
General Taylor expected to meet the transports from Corpus 
Christi with the force under Major Monroe, and to make the 
necessary arrangements for the establishment and defence 
of a depot. 

As soon as the army left the Colorado a new object, of 
more interest in natural history than military memoirs, pre- 
sented itself to the notice of our troops. The soil was co- 
vered with a long wiry grass among which glided immense 
numbers of huge rattlesnakes, more appalling to our soldiers 
than the Mexicans. The country literally swarmed with 
serpents. From the Colorado to within a few miles of Point 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 131 

Isabel their warning rattle was heard on all sides. They 
crept between the ranks as our men marched through the 
long herbage, and at night coiled themselves comfortably 
under their blankets for warmth, 

Familiar as we are with the campaigns of Frederick and 
- Napoleon, and willing to record as classical the great 
deeds of the old world's heroes, we are still often loath 
to do justice to the brave men in our own country who have 
served the State so zealously in Florida and Mexico. It is 
not simple bravery in battle that commends a soldier to ad- 
miration, for few are cowards when the excitement of action 
hurries them headlong among their foes amid the shouts and 
thunder of actual carnage. But it is the preparatory disci- 
pline that tests a military character. The camp and the 
march are the soldier's training. The dreary winter-quar- 
ter passed in patient service, and the wearying advance over 
burning plains or snowy mountains, are the real touchstones 
of courage, and prove those powers of endurance and sub- 
ordination which make resistance staunch and stubborn. 
These are the sources of discipline ; and it was with troops 
that had borne the winter hardships at Corpus Christi, I 
have described, and made the short but arduous march to 
Point Isabel, that Taylor felt sure of victory. They had 
encountered extraordinary fatigue, and yet were ready at a 
moment's notice for battle without flinching. With such 
schooling an army becomes a gigantic instrument moving 
with the accuracy of clock-work, put in motion by the gen- 
eral's genius. It can endure as well as perform all he re- 
quires, and he knows that the result of a battle depends 
alone on his numbers, his position, or his individual skill in 
military combination. The common soldier and the officer 



132 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

thus react upon each other, and the electric chain of mutual 
confidence makes success an impulse. 

The American and the Mexican soldier are essentially dif- 
ferent, though both, according to the report of distinguished 
officers, are almost equally brave. In the anglo-saxon race 
bravery is the balance between prudence and courage, exer- 
cised with an indomitable resolution to achieve a desired end. 
The American soldier is fearless, yet he values life and seeks 
to protect it. His object is to subdue or slay his foe, still 
he determines to avoid, if possible, a fatal catastrophe. This 
renders him intrepid while it teaches the importance of dis- 
cipline and obedience to resolute and skilful officers. He 
perceives at once the object to be secured or the thing to be 
done, and he marches on with the mingled caution and spirit 
requisite for success. 

It may be said that a certain degree of timidity is neces- 
sary in every balanced character in order to ensure reflec- 
tion, for natural courage, unaided by sensitiveness, would 
render it rash. But the Mexican soldier seems to be guided 
by a different system, and to be brave without either pru- 
dence or enduring discipline. He is trained in manoeuvres ; 
and, believing that when he masters his manual he is equal 
to all military emergencies, he supposes that a battle is little 
more than a parade. As Mexican troops are rather politi- 
cal engines, designed for the domestic police of cities, than 
for actual service in the field, the soldier is more of a play- 
thing than a tool or weapon. Vague, ideal notions of Ro- 
man patriotism, are infused into his mind by the demagogues 
of the army in bombastic proclamations, and he imagines it 
better to perish than surrender to his foe. But this murder- 
ous doctrine of "revenge or death" serves rather to animate 
him before battle than to carry him steadily through its perils. 
He has the ability to perceive the beauty of abstract virtue, 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 133 

but lacks the sustained energy, the profound endurance, to 
realize it. He rushes onward without deliberation, or re- 
gard of consequences. An international war is, in his esti- 
mation, a personal not a political quarrel. A brutal ferocity 
marks every headlong movement, and deprives him of the 
control of reason. Besides this, life, has not the same value 
to a Mexican as to an American warrior, for the objects and 
hopes of their lives are incapable of comparison. One lives 
for practical liberty and progress, the other's existence is a 
mere strife for bread under military despotism. A Mahome- 
dan fatalism — derived, perhaps, from his Moorish kindred — 
tinges the nature of a Mexican, and the impulsive blood of 
a tropical climate subjects him almost exclusively to his in- 
stincts. Hence Spanish wars have been long and sanguin- 
ary butcheries, while their civil dissensions are the feted fer- 
ment of corruption. 

The Mexican, hot and fretful in controversy, is ever quick • 
and sometimes secret, in ridding himself of his foe ; — the 
American is equally prompt with his pistol, but gives his 
insulting enemy an equal chance. A sudden conflict with . 
knives ends a Spanish rencontre or dispute; while periods 
of deliberation and cool arrangements precede the fatal field 
between our countrymen. The American officer is scienti- 
fically educated in military schools and leads his men to 
battle. The Mexican is ignorant of all but ordinary drills, 
and either follows his impulsive squadrons, or, flies at the 
approach of personal danger. The one has nerve and en- 
durance, the other impulse and passion; hence, while the 
Mexican strikes his blow and retreats to his lair if foiled, the 
American, equally unchanged by victory or defeat, moves 
onward with indomitable purpose until his object is suc- 
cessfully accomplished. The one dwindles too often into 



134 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

the cruel assassin or relentless persecutor, — the other, as 
frequently, attains the dignity of a clement hero. 

These general observations apply, of course, only to the 
masses, for truly brave and patriotic men exist in all coun- 
tries, and nowhere are the examples of heroic qualities more 
conspicuous than among the Spanish races. Dhe fault lies 
more in temperament than in soul. An equipoise between 
intellect and passion is alone deficient in the nature of the 
Mexican people, for the savage has not been entirely extir- 
pated from the mingled blood of Indian and Spaniard. 

When the remarkable energy of men, born in genial cli- 
mates, is tempered by self restraint, it produces that urbane 
and chivalrous character which once made war the school 
of gentlemen. But the modern ideas of liberty and patri- 
otism have deprived standing armies of all exclusive claim 
to national protection; and, as long as each citizen feels that 
the defence of his native land or of his country's rights de- 
pends upon himself, the volunteer as well as the regular will 
be prompt to discharge his military duty with skill, alacrity 
and irresistible resolution. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Character of Mexican diplomacy — Genius of the Spanish language — Pa- 
redes's proclamation — Hostilities authorized by him — Taylor goes to Isa- 
bel — Description of the Brasos St. Jago and Point Isabel — burning of the 
custom-house — Made a depot and fortified — Taylor and Worth unite and 
plant the American flag opposite Metamoros — Worth's interview with 
La Vega arid Cesares — Fruitless efforts of our generals to establish ami- 
ty — Description of the country round Matamoros — appearance of the 
town. 

The qualities which characterize the Mexican soldier, as 
described in the last chapter, mark also the statesman of that 
country. Their loud and vain-glorious professions of re- 
solve; their bombastic proclamations; their short, passion- 
ate and revolutionary governments; their personal rivalries 
and universal anarchy, denote impulsive tempers utterly in- 
capable of sustained self-rule or resistance. To those who 
are familiar with Mexican history, this is not a novel fact, 
yet it has been astonishingly manifested in the war between 
our countries. It would be a tedious task to recount the 
various manifestos and despatches that were written to con- 
trol and satisfy public sentiment in regard to the pending 
difficulties. Diplomacy is the weapon of weak powers, and 
the pen is a most important implement when defeat, inac- 
tion or incompetency are to be excused to the Mexicans. 
There is something perhaps in the genius of the Spanish 
language that renders it peculiarly appropriate to appease 
the vanity of those who speak it. The natural vehicle of 
eloquence, its magic words, its magnificent phrases and its 



136 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

sonorous sentences march along in solemn and pompous 
procession, and compel the attention of every listener. 
Simple sentiments, clothed in the expressions of this beau- 
tiful tongue assume new and striking shapes, and the judg- 
ment is charmed or swayed by sympatliy with the ear. 

The statesmen of Mexico are a\vare of these extraordi- 
nary advantages, and whether they have to account for a 
lost battle, tranquillize a passionate mob, or satisfy an im- 
portunate diplomat^ they are equally ready to resort to the 
armory of their resounding language for defence. 

We have already seen that Paredes overthrew Herrera's 
administration by means of the Texan question' and oppo- 
sition to negotiation with our government. When Gene- 
ral Taylor advanced towards the Rio Grande this chieftain 
was still president and quite as unable to fulfil the promises 
to repel us as his predecessors had been in 1844 and 1845. 
Feeling, under the peculiar views of the controversy they 
entertained, that the honor of their country required our ex- 
pulsion from Texas, they had announced and pledged this 
auspicious result to the people. But at the moment when 
all these extraordinary boasts were made, they were, doubt- 
less, designed only to serve a temporary purpose, under the 
hope that some fortuitous circumstance might occur which 
would exhonerate them from war. I have heretofore stated 
that the Mexicans were encouraged in resistance by the be- 
lief of impending difficulties with England. In addition to 
this, Paredes probably relied on foreign interference in con- 
sequence of his monarchical schemes ; nor was it until the 
spring and summer of 1846, that all these prospects were 
blighted by the energetic course of our senate and the dis- 
cretion of the British cabinet in regard to Oregon. But it 
was then too late to retreat, for hostilities had aheady 
commenced. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 137 

Loud as were the Mexicans in their fulminations against 
our alleged usurpation, I am inclined to believe they never 
seriously .contemplated the invasion of Texas, but hoped 
either to let the question sleep for many years in the port- 
folios of negotiators whilst a rigorous non-intercourse was 
preserved, or to solicit, finally, the mediatorial influence of 
Great Britain and France in order to prevent war if our con- 
gress intimated a disposition to declare it. This opinion is 
founded upon the remarkable proclamation issued in Mexico 
on the 21st of March, 1846, by General Paredes.* His lan- 
guage is still decided in regard to Mexican rights over 
Texas; but he asserts that '■'■the authority to declare war 
against the United States is not vested in him,^^ and that the 
congress of the nation, which is about to assemble, must 
consider what is necessary in the approaching conflict. 
This proclamation was issued in the capital after it was 
known that our army was advancing to the Rio Grande, and 
on the very day when Mr. Slidell's passports were sent him 
at Jalapa by the Mexican government. But between the 
21st of March and the 23d of April the provisional presi- 
dent's opinion of his rights underwent a change, for, on that 
day, he published another proclamation in which he asserts 
that he had "sent orders to the general in chief of the divi- 
sion of the northern frontier to act in hostility against the 
army which is in hostility against us ; to oppose war to the 
enemy which wars upon us;" though, in conclusion, he an- 
nounces that still he "does not declare war against the gov- 
ernment of the United States of America."! Thus, under 
the masked name of hostilities, the Mexican government au- 
thorised the first war-like blows to he struck, because, as it 
alleged, we had invaded the national domain by marching 

* See Mexico as it was, &c., 4th ed. p. 407. 
"f Diario oficial — April 24. 

18 



138 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

to Matamoros. It was the forced realization of all those 
gasconading manifestos, which for the last two years had 
breathed war and defiance against the United States. Such, 
then, was the actual origin of the collision, for the troops 
and officers of General Taylor religiously abstained from 
acts of military violence, and confined themselves exclu- 
sively to the defence of the territory they were directed to 
hold. That mere protection was the undoubted purpose of 
our government, will not be questioned by the reader when 
he recollects the smallness of our army, and its entire want 
of preparation to molest or invade a nation of more than 
seven millions of inhabitants. 

In the last chapter, General Taylor was left on his way to 
Point Isabel, while Worth moved in the direction of Mata- 
moros.* During the march of our column towards the sea 
shore it was approached, on its right flank, by a party of 
Mexicans bearing a white flag, which proved to be a civil 
deputation from Matamoros desiring an interview with the 
commander-in-chief. General Taylor apprised the represen- 
tatives of Tamaulipas that he would halt at the first suitable 
place on the road to afford them a reception ; but it was 

* I desire it may be remembered that the important facts related by me 
in regard to our military and diplomatic movements are all given upon the 
authority of official papers published by congress. The reader who wishes 
to verify them will do well to provide himself with the volumes of execu- 
tive documents, for T shall not deem it necessary to incumber the margins 
of my pages with continual references. I have been scrupulously accu- 
rate in all my quotations from American authorities, and have observed 
the same course in regard to the Mexican reports, proclamations and mani- 
festos. See especially, (for this volume,) Senate doc. No. 337, 29th cong. 
1st sess.— H. of R. doc. No. 197, id.— Senate doc. No. 378, id.— Senate 
doc. No 388, id.— H. of R. doc. No. 4, 29th cong. 2d sess.— H. of R. doc. 
No. 19, id.— H. of R. doc. No. 42, id.— Senate doc. No. 107, id.— H. of R 
doc. No. 119, id. 



MEXICO AN'D THE UNITED STATES. 139 

found necessary to pass on to Point Isabel without delay in 
consequence of the want of water elsewhere on the route. 
The deputation, however, declined accompanying our forces 
towards their destination, and halting a few miles from the 
Point, sent a formal protest of the prefect of the northern 
district of Tamaulipas against our occupation of the dis- 
puted country. At this moment it was discovered that the 
buildings of Point Isabel were in flames. The retreating 
Mexicans had set fire to the edifices to prevent our occupa- 
tion; and, as General Taylor considered this a direct and 
vexatious evidence of hostility, and was unwilling to be 
trifled with by the tools of the military authorities of Mata- 
moros, he dismissed the deputation with the information 
that he would answer the. protest when he was opposite 
the city. 

The cavalry was forthwith pushed on to the burning town 
in time to arrest the fire which consumed but three or four 
houses; yet the inhabitants had already fled, and the officer, 
who committed the incendiary act under the orders, it is 
said, of General Mejia, was nowhere to be found. 

As our troops entered the village they were gratified to 
find that the transports from Corpus Christi had exactly an- 
swered their land movement, and that the steamers had ar- 
rived in the harbor with the convoy close in their rear, only 
a few hours before our forces entered from the desert. 
General Taylor immediately directed the engineers to ex- 
amine the ground with a view of tracing lines of defence 
and strengthening a position, which he decided should form 
the great depot of our forces. 

Point Isabel is approached from the sea through the Bra- 
zos de Santiago. It is a wild and desolate sea coast, de- 
fended by bars and strewn with wrecks. In former years, 



140 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

a small Mexican village and fort, containing a couple of 
cannons, stood upon the Brazos Point, but during one of 
those terrific storms which ravage the Mexican coast, the 
sea rose above the frail barrier of shifting sand, and when 
the tempest subsided, it was discovered that the village 
and fortification had been engulphed beneath the waves. 
Few places are more inhospitable on the American coast 
than the bar of Brazos. There is no friendly shore under 
whose protecting lee ships may seek safety during the awful 
hurricanes that so often descend upon them without a mo- 
ments warning. But when a vessel has fairly passed the 
entrance, she moves along securely over the waters of the 
bay, and anchors under cover of the sand hills to the left 
whilst her passengers and freight are landed in boats or 
lighters. 

On a bluff promontory jutting out into the bay and slop- 
ing gradually inland, stands the village of Isabel. Its 
houses denoted the character of its people. The spars of 
wrecked vessels, a few reeds, and the debris of a stormy 
shore, thatched with grass and sea weed, formed the mate- 
rials of which they were built, while a vagabond race, fifty 
or sixty in number, constituted the official but smuggling 
population, which was prepared to protect the revenue of 
Mexico or receive bribes from contrabandists, as their inter- 
ests might dictate. A certain Seilor Rodriguez was the 
captain of this important port at the period of our occupa- 
tion ; and, being a person equally ready to take pay from 
importers or exporters of goods as well as to receive further 
compensation for concealing his roguery from the govern- 
ment, he deemed it his duty, as a faithful officer, to destroy 
the custom house by the conflagration that incensed General 
Taylor against the prefect of Tamaulipas.* Such was 
* Our army on the Rio Grande, chap. v. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 141 

Point Isabel and its vagrant inhabitants, when abandoned to 
our forces, and adopted as a depot. 

While the engineers were engaged in fortifying a position, 
which was soon to become of so much importance in the 
war," General Taylor rejoined the division under Worth's 
command, and on the morning of the 28th of March, the 
order was given for all the columns to advance towards 
Matamoros. At half past six the movement began. The 
arms were closely inspected, and every man was directed to 
be on the alert in case of sudden attack. Yet no symptom 
of fear was exhibited in our ranks, while the squadrons 
pressed on gaily, with merry songs and pleasant chat. 
About a mile from the Rio Grande they saw the first house 
on their route of more than one hundred and fifty miles from 
Corpus Christi. The dark eyed Mexicans were lounging 
with apparent indifference about their doors, and returned 
civil answers to our inquiries. Soon after, the city of Mata- 
moros came in sight; and, with bands playing, and regi- 
mental colors flying to the wind, we arrived opposite the 
town at noon. From the head quarters of General Mejia, 
the Mexican standard was displayed, and, in a short time a 
temporary flagstaff, prepared by the eighth regiment, under 
the superintendence of Lieut. Col. Belknap, was raised aloft 
bearing the American ensign; but no other manifestation of 
joy was given than by the national airs which were pealed 
forth from our regimental bands. The moment our flag was 
displayed, it was saluted, from Matamoros, by the consulate 
flags of France and England ; while the absence of our own 
banner from the opposite shore denoted the departure or re- 
straint of the commercial representative of our Union.* 

As soon as our colors were raised on the eastern bank 
* Army on the Rio Grande, chap. ii. 



142 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

of the Kio Grande, General Worth and his staff descended 
to the water's edge, bearing a white flag and a communica- 
tion from the commander-in-chief, announcing formally the 
purpose of our advance to the dividing stream. General 
Taylor believed that this would be the means either of es- 
tablishing friendly relations between the posts, or of eliciting 
the final decision of the Mexican government. As soon as 
Worth and his companions were perceived from the oppo- 
site bank two cavalry otficers crossed with an interpreter. 
After some delay in parleying, it was announced that Gen- 
eral La Vega w^ould receive our messenger on the right 
bank of the river, to which he immediately passed, accom- 
panied by his aid-de-camp Lieutenant Smith, and Lieute- 
nants Magruder, Deas, and Blake, attached to his staff, and 
Lieutenant Knowlton as interpreter. 

On arriving at the Mexican quarters. General Worth was 
courteously received by La Vega and introduced to Don 
Juan Garza, oficial de defensores, and to the Licenciado 
Cesares, who represented the authorities of Matamoros. 
La Vega informed General Worth that he had been directed 
to receive such communications as might be presented, and 
accompanied his tender with the remark that the march of 
the United States troops through a portion of Tamaulipas 
was considered by his country as an act of war. 

This was no time to discuss the international question, 
and Worth, properly refraining from conversation upon so 
vexatious a topic, proceeded, as an act of courtesy, to read 
the open document he bore, which he afterwards withdrew 
inasmuch as it had not been received personally by General 
Mejia the commander-in-chief at Matamoros. 

A demand to see our consul was refused by the Mexicans, 
and although we learned that he was not under restraint but 
still continued in the exercise of his official duties, all com- 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 143 

munication with that functionary was peremptorily denied. 
Thus terminated, unsatisfactorily, another effort on our part 
to employ diplomacy in the establishment of harmonious 
feelings with the local authorities of Matamoros ; and not- 
withstanding General Worth was assured that "Mexico had 
not declared war against the Union," and that "the coun- 
tries were still at peace," he returned to the American camp 
with gloomy forebodings for the future.* 

If there was little to hope from the people of Mexico, or 
little attractive in the prospect of social intercourse between 
the camp and town, there was much to gratify the eye of 
our fatigued soldiers in the scenery that lay before them. 
On their long and toilsome march they had been relieved 
from the dreary wastes of Texas as soon as they beheld the 
blue haze hanging over the distant windings of the Rio 
Grande. The city of Matamoros, as seen from the oppo- 
site side of the river, skirts the stream for more than a mile 
with its neat and comfortable dwellings. As the trade of 
this town is chiefly carried on with the interior, there has 
been no need of encroaching with wharves and walls on 
the margin of the river. Hence the city is somewhat re- 
moved from the banks, and embowered amid extensive 
groves and gardens, from the midst of whose luxuriant fo- 
liage its towers and dwellings rise in broken but graceful 
lines. There is but little timber near the river, which tra- 
verses beautiful prairies as it approaches the sea. The hand 
of culture has taken these waving meadows under its pro- 
tection; and, on all sides the landscape is dotted with abun- 
dant vegetation. The grass covered banks are screened by 
shrubbery or grazed by cattle; while the stream, winding 

* See Senate doc. 337, 29th cong. 1st sess. for a memorandum of General 
Worth's spirited interview with La Vega and Cesares. 



144 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

along in easy curves, is so narrow near the city that conver- 
sation may be easily carried on from its opposite sides. 
"The rich verdure of the shores, — the cultivated gardens 
scattered around, — the clustering fig and pomegranite trees," 
contrasted with the desert through which our troops had 
passed, converted this land into a scene of enchantment. 
The fatigued soldiers were repaid for all their toils. Exis- 
tence, alone, in so beautiful a climate and with such deli- 
cious prospects, was sufficient recompense for our men, and 
they gazed with delight at the hostile shore as martial don 
and gay donzella poured out in crowds from the walls of 
Matamoros to behold the foreign flag and the bold intruders 
clustered beneath its folds. 



CHAPTER V. 



Military and civil proclamations against the United States at Matamoros 
in April, 1846 — General Taylor's pacific policy — Desertion from our 
army promoted by Ampudia and Arista — Shooting of deserters, seen 
swimming the river, ordered — Consti-uction of the fort opposite Mata- 
moros — Guerillas on the left bank — Ampudia and Arista arrive — Death 
of Colonel Cross — Expedition of Lieutenants Dobbins and Porter — Death 
of Porter — Surprise and surrender of Captain Thornton's party of dra- 
goons — Ampudia and General Taylor on the blockade of the mouth of 
the river — Fort capable of defence ; left under the command of Major 
Brown — Walker's men surprised on the prairie — Taylor goes to Point 
Isabel — Cannonade heard from Matamoros — May with his dragoons and 
Walker sent to the fort for tidings — Their adventures — Return to Point 
Isabel — Taylor calls on Texas and Louisiana for reinforcements — cha- 
racter and quality of the Texan Ranger. 

The months of March and April, 1846, were fruitful in 
civil and military proclamations at Matamoros, manifesting 
a hostile spirit against our country-, but General Taylor per- 
sisted in his pacific conduct and directed all under his com- 
mand to observe a scrupulous regard to the municipal rights 
and religious usages of the quiet Mexicans whom they found 
in the neighborhood of the Rio Grande. In order that no 
pretext of ignorance might be pleaded by our adversaries, 
in this respect, his orders were published in Spanish as well 
as English, and freely distributed among the people. It is 
to be regretted that a similar forbearance was not exhibited 
by our opponents. As soon as our forces appeared in the 
vicinity of Matamoros they began to intrigue with our subal- 
terns. It was known that our army, made up at random 
from a population of natives and emigrants, contained indi- 
viduals born in Europe; and, to the religious ajid political 
19 






146 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

prejudices of this class, the authorities addressed them- 
selves.* 

In consequence of these seditious appeals, the evil of de- 
sertion increased to an alarming extent, and the most effec- 
tual measures were necessary to prevent the contagion from 
spreading. As our deserters, by merely swimming the nar- 
row river, were at once within the enemy's lines, pursuit 
and apprehension, with a view to trial, were out of the 
question. General Taylor, therefore, deemed it his duty, 
warranted by the hostile attitude of the Mexicans, to order 
that all men seen swimming across the river should be hailed 
by our pickets and ordered to return, and, in case they did 

* The following document v/as circulated by Mexican emissaries and 
spies among our troops : 

" The commander-in-chief of the Mexican army to the English and Irish under 
the orders of the American General Taylor : 

" Know Ye : That the government of the United States is committing 
repeated acts of barbarous aggression against the magnanimous Mexican 
nation ; that the government v/hich exists under " the flag of the stars" is 
unworthy of the designation of Christian. Recollect that you were born in 
Great Britain ; that the American government looks with coldness upon 
the powerful flag of St. George, and is provoking to a rupture the warlike 
people to wliom it belongs, President Polk boldly manifesting a desire to 
take possession of Oregon, as he has already done of Texas. Now, then, 
come v/ith all confidence to the Mexican ranks, and I guarantee to you, 
upon my honor, good treatment, and that all your expenses shall be de- 
frayed until your arrival in the beautiful capital of Mexico. 

" Germans, French, Poles, and individuals of other nations ! Separate 
yourselves from the Yankees, and do not contribute to defend a robbery 
and usurpation which, be assured, the civilized nations of Europe look 
upon v/ith the utmost indignation. Come, therefore, and array yourselves 
under the tri-colored flag, in the confidence that the God of ai-mies protects 
it, and that it will protect you equally v/ith the English. 

PEDRO DE AMPUDIA. 

Francisco R. Moreno, Adj. of the commander-in-chief. 

Head (Quarters, upon the Road to Matamoros, April, 2, 1846." 

Another and similar appeal was made by Arista on the 20th of April. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 147 

not obey this summons, they should be shot. These strin- 
gent orders were verbally given to the several comman- 
ders, about the beginning of April, and checked the prac- 
tice, though it is believed that only two men, — privates of 
fifth and seventh infantry, from France and Switzerland, — 
fell victims to the fatal command. Thus failed so dastardly 
an attempt to interfere by intrigue with the morale of our 
army. Taylor was undoubtedly justified in resorting to the 
most efficient means to prevent the decimation of his scant 
forces ; and although some sensitive politicians in our Union 
were scandalized by the severity of his orders, yet, when 
they learned that the men who were induced to desert had 
been used in subsequent actions against us by the Mexicans, 
their philanthropic clamor was drowned in the universal 
voice of approval. 

The manifestly warlike appearance of the Mexicans, arid 
the attempts they were making to fortify the right bank of 
the river, induced General Taylor to strengthen the position 
of his camp on the opposite side. 

Accordingly on the 6th of April a battery for four eigh- 
teen pounders, bearing directly on the public square and in 
good range for demolishing the town, had already been com- 
pleted and the guns mounted, whilst the engineers were 
busy in laying out a strong bastioned field fort for a garrison 
of five hundred men in the rear of the battery. But the 
Mexicans did not leave us long in doubt as to their ultimate 
designs. Their chief embarrassment seemed to consist in 
a want of troops and efficient commanders, yet this was 
remedied by the arrival of considerable reinforcements in 
the course of the month. Meantime, however, the chappa- 
rals and lonely prairies of the left bank of the Rio Grande, 
swarmed with ranchero cavalry, not authorized perhaps by 



148 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

the powers in Matamoros to attack us directly, but whose 
predatory habits and Arab warfare were encouraged against 
small bodies of our men until the main army should be en- 
abled to strike a decisive blow. 

On the 10th of April, Colonel Cross, a deputy quarter- 
master-general mounted his horse and proceeded to ride, as 
usual, for exercise, but the night passed without his return, 
nor was his fate known until ten days after, when a skele- 
ton, found on the plains, was identified as that of the un- 
fortunate officer. The mode of his death or the names of 
his slayers have never been discovered. But it was gene- 
rally reported and believed that he had been captured by the 
lawless band of Romano Falcon, a ranchero bandit, and, 
after being robbed of every thing valuable, was shot with a 
pistol by the robber captain. 

With a view to check the depredations of these guerillas, 
Lieutenants Dobbins of the third infantry, and Porter of the 
fourth, — two bold and hardy soldiers, — were authorised to 
scour the country with a body of picked men, and capture 
or destroy any such parties they might encounter. It ap- 
pears that they separated in quest of the enemy, and that 
Lieutenant Porter at the head of his own detachment sur- 
prised an armed troop, numbering nearly one hundred and 
fifty, engaged in jerking beef. Upon the approach of our 
officer one of the Mexicans snapped a musket at him, a salu- 
tation which Lieutenant Porter returned by the discharge 
of his double barreled gun. Upon this the Mexicans fled to 
the screen of the chapparal. Porter took possession of the 
horses and blankets of the fugitives, and, mounting his men, 
started for head quarters. At this moment, however, the 
rain began to pour down with the violence that is only wit- 
nessed in tropical climates, and whilst the Lieutenant and 
his party were passing through a dense copse of chapparal 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 149 

they were fired on by the enemy from an ambush. Shot 
followed shot from the secret foe in rapid succession, but 
our unfortunate men were unable to sustain the contest, as 
their powder had been soaked by the sudden shower. They 
wisely retreated, therefore, to the chapparal, and, separating 
into three parties, found their way to camp; but the luckless 
Porter, having been wounded in the thigh, was seized by 
the Mexicans as soon as his men departed, and despatched 
with their knives whilst they shrieked and yelled over his 
mangled body like a band of infuriate demons. 

Acts like these, characteristic of the worst periods of bor- 
der raids, denoted the approaching storm. The country 
east of the Rio Grandie bristled with irregular troopers. It 
was unsafe to go beyond the hail of sentinels, and the 
peaceful aspect of nature which had charmed our men so 
greatly upon their arrival was changed for the stern alarums 
of war. By the joyous peals of the church bells, the shouts 
of acclamation, arid the report of spies, we learned that 
General Ampudia Had arrived in Matamoros, and that, some 
days later, he was followed by Arista, who immediately as- 
sumed the chief command and apprised General Taylor, in 
courteous terms, that he considered hostilities commenced 
and was resolved to prosecute them. 

Among all these notes of war-like preparation, none per- 
haps were more significant than the adventure which must 
be now recorded. On the 24th of April a squadron of dra- 
goons, sixty-three in number, under the orders of Captains 
Thornton and Hardee, and of Lieutenants Mason and Kane, 
was despatched by General Taylor to reconnoitre the river 
for thirty miles above the camp in the direction of La Rosia. 
When the troopers arrived within three miles of the post 
they learned that the enemy had crossed and occupied the 



150 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

country in considerable force. This was about twenty-eight 
miles from our camp, and as soon as the news was received, 
the guide, by name Capito, refused to proceed any further. 
It appears from all the documents I have been able to ex- 
amine that Captain Thornton exercised a wise precaution on 
the marcli and in the disposition of his troops, by throwing 
out advance and rear guards although it was impossible to 
avail himself of the advantage of flankers in consequence 
of the nature of the road which was often a perfect defile, 
admitting, at times, of the passage only of a single horse- 
man. As he had reason to doubt the fidelity of his guide, 
he resolved to advance without him, redoubling, however, 
his vigilance, and increasing his van guard, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant Mason, whom he ordered not to fire 
upon the enemy unless assaulted. The rear was assigned 
to Captain Hardee, and, in this order, the party cautiously 
proceeded until it reached a large plantation bordering the 
river and hemmed in by a fence of lofty and impenetrable 
chapparal. Captain Thornton endeavored to approach the 
houses at the upper end of this enclosure by entering its 
lower extremity, but failing to accomplish his object, he 
passed around the thicket and reached the field across a pair 
of bars which served for gateway. The edifice was situ- 
ated about two hundred yards from this narrow aperture in 
the bristling wall, and, towards it, the whole command di- 
rected its steps in single file, without placing a sentinel at 
the bars, or observing any other precaution to prevent sur- 
prise. It seems that Captain Thornton, though a skilful 
and brave officer, as his campaigns against the Indians in 
Florida had proved, was prepossessed with the idea that the 
Mexicans had not crossed the river, and that even if they 
had, they would not fight. It was a fatal mistake. Cap- 
tain Hardee, as has been stated, was charged with the rear 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 151 

guard and was therefore the last to enter with his horsemen. 
As he approached the dwelling he perceived the troopers 
who were already within the enclosure scattered in every 
direction seeking for some one with whom to communicate. 
At length an old Mexican was discovered, and, while Thorn- 
ton was conversing with him, the alarm was given that the 
enemy were seen in numbers at the bars. This was a be- 
wildering surprise. Yet the gallant commander immediately 
gave the order to charge and personally led the advance to 
cut his way through the Mexicans. But it was too late; 
the enemy had already secured the entrance, and it was im- 
possible to force their serried lines. Cooped and hampered 
as were our men within the impervious walls of chapparal 
and aloes, their flight was almost hopeless. The Mexican 
infantry had been stationed in the field on the right of the 
road while their cavalry lined the exterior fence, so that our 
retreat was entirely cut off. Seeing this, Thornton turned 
to the right, and skirted the interior of the chapparal with 
his command, whilst the enemy poured in their vollies in 
every direction. By this time disorder was triumphant. 
Hardee dashed up to Thornton and urged that the only hope 
of safety was in concentrated action and in the destruction 
of the fence ; but, though the order was immediately given, 
he could neither stop his men nor his horse. Our troop- 
ers, perfectly ensnared, seem to have become frantic with 
rage, and consequently to have lost the control of dis- 
cipline. Like so many animals at bay, each one sought 
safety for himself, by attempting to traverse or leap the 
thorny boundaries of the farm. Yet all efforts were useless, 
for, by this time, the enemy had gained on our men with 
great numbers, and, completely surrounded as the plantation 
was, nothing remained but to surrender according to the 
usages of civilized nations. General Torrejon, who com- 



152 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

manded the Mexicans, received the submission of Captain 
Hardee; and, together with Lieutenant Kane, who had also 
been captured, he was conducted to Matamoros on the 27th, 
where they were lodged with General Ampudia and treated 
raost graciously by Arista. Forty-five of our cavalry were 
taken prisoners in this disastrous affair, but the brave Mason 
was slain during the conflict. Sergeant Tredo, a valiant 
soldier, fell in the first charge; — Sergeant Smith was un- 
horsed and killed, — and the bodies of seven men were 
found on the field of strife.* 

This was a disheartening event for the Americans, and a 
subject of exultation for the Mexicans. It was neither a 
battle nor even an affray; yet, bearing to warfare the same 
relation that trapping does to sportsmanship, it nevertheless 
afforded material for Mexican gasconade. "This," — said 
Arista in his letter of acknowledgment to Torrejon, — " has 
been a day of rejoicing to the division of the north which 
has just received the joyous news of the triumph of your 
brigade. The delighted country will celebrate this prelimi- 
nary to the glorious deeds that her happy sons will in future 
present her!" For some days it was supposed that Thorn- 
ton had been slain, but on the 29th his comrades were de- 
lighted to hear that he had cut his way through the enemy, 
and after running the gauntlet of his foes, had been captured 
only in consequence of the fall of his horse. 

As soon as Ampudia assumed the command he ordered 
all Americans to leave Matamoros within twenty-four hours 
for Victoria, a town in the interior of Tamaulipas ; and 
on the twelfth of April he addressed a note to Gene- 
ral Taylor requiring him, within the same peremptory 

* Captains Thornton's and Hardee's reports to General Taylor. H. of 
R. doc. No. 119, 29th cong. 2d sess. pp. 19 and 20. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 153 

period of time to break up his camp, and retire to the other 
bank of the Nueces, whilst their respective governments 
were deciding their quarrel by negotiation. He informed 
our commander that if he persisted in remaining on the al- 
leged soil of Tamaulipas, arms, alone, could decide the 
dispute, but that the war, which would necessarily ensue, 
should be conducted, upon the part of Mexico, conformably 
to the principles and rights established by the civilized 
world. General Taylor did not delay his reply. On the 
same day he answered the Mexican chief, that inasmuch as 
he was charged with the military and not the diplomatic 
duties of the controversy, he could not discuss the interna- 
tional question involved in the advance of the American 
army, but that he would unhesitatingly continue to occupy 
the positions he held at Isabel and opposite Matamoros in 
spite of all menaces. The hostile declarations and alterna- 
tive presented by Ampudia induced Taylor to order the 
stringent blockade of the Rio Grande, so as to stop all sup- 
plies for the city, and the naval commander at the Brazos de 
Santiago was directed to dispose his forces accordingly. 
A body of Texan rangers, under the command of Captain 
Walker, a tried and daring soldier of the frontier, was sta- 
tioned on the road to Point Isabel, During the night of the 
27th and 28th of April, the troops, at the latter place, consist- 
ing chiefly of two companies of artillery, under the command 
of Major Monroe, were in momentary expectation of attack 
in consequence of rumors from the enemy, for it was known 
that large bodies of Mexicans had crossed the river and 
were striving to interpose themselves between Isabel and the 
fort opposite Matamoros in order to cut off supplies for the 
garrison. Several teams that departed from the depot for 
the fort were forced to return, and, on the morning of the 
20 



154 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

28th the camp of Walker was surprised on the prairie by a 
party of bold rancheros who killed five of our rangers and 
dispersed the rest, while the officer of the company and half 
of his command were absent on detached service. 

By this time the works opposite Matamoros were well 
advanced, yet, owing to the peculiar nature of the country 
and our deficiency in the proper description of light troops, 
we were kept in ignorance of the enemy's movements on the 
left bank. It was ascertained, however, with sufficient cer- 
tainty, that they were continuing to throw considerable 
forces on the eastern shore, with the design of attacking 
our command; and General Taylor received information, 
upon which he could rely, that Arista had prepared to pass 
the Rio Grande, below Matamoros, in order to effect a junc- 
tion with his forces from above. It was not believed, how- 
ever, that he would assault the position opposite that city 
even with four thousand men, and hence our commander-in- 
chief supposed that the depot at Isabel was the object of his 
movement. This impression was strengthened by the fact 
that since a rigid blockade of the river was maintained, pro- 
visions had become exceedingly scarce at Matamoros ; and, 
therefore, hastening the completion of the field work, he 
was able by great exertions on the part of our troops, to 
bring it to a good state of defence by the ficst of May. The 
seventh infantry under Major Brown, Captain Lowd's and 
Lieutenant Bragg's companies of artillery, together with the 
sick of the army, were left in the work ; and, on the after- 
noon of that day. General Taylor moved with the main force 
under his immediate command in the direction of Point Isa- 
bel. At eleven o'clock, the army, by a rapid march, was 
enabled to bivouack on the prairie at a distance of ten miles 
from the depot, and on the next day, it reached its destina- 
tion without encountering the enemy, though the scouts 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 155 

surprised and shot several men belonging to the Mexican 
pickets. 

On the morning and during the day of the 3d of May, a 
heavy canonnade in the direction of Matamoros announced 
to General Taylor that an attack had probably been com- 
menced on the American fort. This w^as a different result 
from his anticipations, and made him extremely anxious for 
the fate of the small but brave command that had been left, 
with slender supplies of rations and ammunition, in the in- 
complete field work. 

Accordingly, on the evening of that day, a squadron of 
one hundred dragoons under Captain May, accompanied by 
Walker and ten of his daring rangers, was despatched to 
pass, if possible, through the hordes of Mexican guerillas 
that lined the road. They were ordered to proceed within 
a few miles of Fort Brown and reconnoitre the country on 
the left towards the river; next to take a position on the 
edge of the chapparal, and, if the commander heard no firing 
from our fort, he was then to despatch a small command un- 
der Walker to communicate witli Major Brown. After this 
he was to await the return of the gallant rangers, and repair 
to Point Isabel. 

May and his troopers, alert for such an adventurous en- 
terprize, stole onward towards Matamoros, under cover of 
night, and, about nine o'clock, beheld the enemy's camp 
fires on the field of Palo Alto. Avoiding the outposts and 
cautiously circling the Mexican front, he passed the foe, and 
galloped towards the American fort, until, hearing no sound of 
cannon in that direction, iie halted with his command under 
the protecting screen of an extensive chapparal, about seven 
miles from Matamoros. Here he detached Walker and six 
of his rangers, best skilled in woodcraft, to communicate 



156 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

according to orders, with Major Brown, while he awaited 
their return in his concealed position. 

It was between two and three o'clock in the morning that 
Walker crept up to the bastions of our fort and was hailed 
by the sentinel. As soon as he was recognized his party 
was placed in a secure position, and the bold ranger admit- 
ted by a ladder to the fort. Major Brown reported the facts 
of the assault from Matamoros and the condition of his de- 
fences, as speedily as possible, and Walker and his men, 
mounting fresh horses, dashed off towards May so as to pass 
the enemy's lines before day-light. But, as he approached 
the thicket where he left the command, he found the troopers 
gone; and returning to the fort, which he reached before 
reveille, he awaited the approach of night before he again 
attempted to perform his dangerous service. 

Meanwhile May and his men had remained in their sad- 
dles until about half an hour before day, when, from the 
protracted absence of the ranger, they believed that the ene- 
my's scouts had detected him. Walker had been already 
away about six hours ; and as May's force was unable to 
cope with the supposed numbers of the Mexicans, and 
peremptory orders had been given to retire to Isabel, he im- 
mediately passed down the enemy's lines at a brisk gallop 
over the prairie. About twelve miles from our camp he 
suddenly discovered a hundred and fifty lancers drawn up 
across the road to dispute his passage, but speedily forming 
his line, he charged the troop, and, driving it towards the 
Mexican camp, followed the fugitives for three miles on his 
wearied horses. Fearing, however, that larger forces might 
be lying in ambush in the fields, and perceiving that the 
enemy's cavalry was fleeter than his own, he abandoned the 
pursuit and reached Point Isabel about nine o'clock. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 157 

But Walker was not to be defeated in his gallant effort to 
bear tidings to Taylor of the fortunes of the fort. As soon 
as it was dark on the 4th, he remounted with his trusty 
band and concealed on his person the despatch which Major 
Brown had prepared in the interval. Every copse and 
thicket along the road, suitable for gin ambush, was filled 
with foes anxious to cut off his return to camp, for, as it 
was subsequently ascertained, the Mexicans had obtained 
information of his purposes. But Walker passed unhurt 
through all these impediments, and brought the cheerful 
news that all was as yet safe in the staunch little fort. 

Late in April, and while the events, related in this chap- 
ter, were occurring, by which it became evident that serious 
hostilities were, at length, intended, General Taylor pru- 
dently began to strengthen his army by demands for rein- 
forcements under the discretionary powers vested in him by 
government. In March, he had already called the notice 
of the war department to the necessity of sending recruits 
to fill up the regiments even to the extent of the existing 
feeble establishment ; but, in April he authorized the raising 
of two companies of mounted men from Texas, and called 
upon the governor of that State for four regiments of volun- 
teers, two of which were to act as cavalry and two to serve 
on foot. As some delay might occur in collecting these 
troops, he, moreover, desired the governor of Louisiana to 
despatch four regiments of infantry as soon as practicable, 
and, with this auxiliary force of nearly five thousand men, 
he hoped to prosecute the impending war with energy, or 
to carry it, if needful, into the enemy's country. 

On the sixth of May, Lieutenant McPhail reached Point 
Isabel with some recruits for the army; and, after filling up 
the permanent garrison with the men who were still too raw 



158 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

to encounter the dangers of actual field service, General 
Taylor determined to march on the following day with the 
main body of the forces to open a communication with Major 
Brown and to throw forward the needful supplies of ord- 
nance and provisions. The language of our chief did not 
betoken the fears which, at that moment, were felt through- 
out the country for the fate of his brave command, sur- 
rounded as it was believed to be, by an imposing army of 
Mexicans led by their bravest generals. "If the enemy 
oppose my march, in whatever force," said Taylor, " I shall 
fight him!'''' It was this little phrase that inspirited the 
anxious heart of his country and denoted the energetic cha- 
racter of the hero whose skill and genius were so soon to be 
developed in active warfare. When he marched from the 
banks of the Rio Grande on the 1st of May, the Mexicans 
believed that he fled to secure his personal safety at Point 
Isabel, whilst he abandoned the infantry and artillery in the 
fort opposite Matamoros as an easy prey to their valiant 
arms. Accordingly, the bells of the city rang their merry 
peals, and repeated bursts of military music denoted that it 
was a gala day in the ancient city. At that moment the 
great body of the Mexican army crossed the stream under 
the orders of General Torrejon, and these were the forces 
that Walker and his rangers had eluded while bearing to 
Isabel the cheering despatch from Major Brown. 

At the close of this chapter, and while we are preparing 
for graver subjects, it may not be uninteresting for the reader 
to obtain a careful picture of those Texan Rangers, whose 
services had already proved so useful, and who were to play 
an important part in this bloody drama. 

These were the bold and reckless children of the frontier, 
who lived forever in warlike harness, prompt to suppress the 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. I 59 

savage raids of the Indians and mongrel Mexicans who har- 
rassed the settlements of western Texas in the neighborhood 

o 

of the Guadalupe, La Vaca and San Antonio. Organizing ^ 
themselves in regular companies for mutual protection along 
a ravaged border, they were continually prepared alike for 
camp or battle, and opposed themselves to the enemy at the 
outpost barriers of civilization. 

It must not be supposed that men whose life is passed in the 
forest, on the saddle, or around the fire of a winter bivouack, 
can present the gallant array of troopers on parade, hence the 
Texan Ranger is careless of external appearance, and adapts 
his dress strictly to the wants of useful service. His first 
care is to provide himself with a stalwart and nimble horse, 
perfectly broken and capable of enduring fatigue in a south- 
ern climate. His Spanish saddle, or saddle frame, is care- 
fully covered with the skins of wild animals, while, from its 
sides depend some twenty or thirty leatheren thongs to which 
are attached all the various trappings needed in the woods. 
No baggage is permitted to accompany the troop and en- 
cumber it in the wilderness. A braided lariat and a cabaros 
of horse-hair are coiled around his saddle-bow, the latter to 
be unwound at nightfall and laid in circles on the ground to 
prevent the approach of reptiles which glide off from the 
sleeper when they touch the bristling hair of the instrument, 
while his horse, tethered by the long and pliant lariat trail- 
ing along the ground, wanders but little from the spot where 
his master reposes. 

Stout buckskin leggings, hunting shirt, and cap, protect 
the ranger's body from the sharp spines of aloes, or the 
briars and branches of the matted forest. His weapons, 
next to his horse, exact his attention. His long and heavy 
rifle carries from fifty to sixty bullets to the pound ; around 
his waist is belted a bowie-knife or home made hanger, and 



160 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

sometimes, a brace of revolving pistols is added to this 
powerful armory. Across his right side are slung his pouch 
l|of balls and powder-horn, and the strap by which they are 
suspended is widened or padded over the shoulder to relieve 
the weight and presure of his gun. A practised shot, he can 
hit his mark unerringly in full career. He may be called a 
" picked man," though not in the sense of the phrase as or- 
dinarily used in military affairs. Nevertheless he is a choice 
soldier, for none but men of equal stamp and hardihood find 
their way to the border and congregate naturally for the 
hazardous life they endure. • 

From the period of the battle of San Jacinto to the year 
1841, when they formed themselves into regular squadrons 
of rangers, these were the hardy woodsmen, who defended 
the frontier as independent troops, free from the control of 
State or government. Whenever Indians or Mexicans ap- 
proached the settlements, runners were quickly despatched 
along the streams to sound the alarm, and in a few hours the 
wild huntsmen were roused for a campaign of months. All 
they needed for the foray was their horse, their weapons, 
their blankets, their pouch with fifty balls, and their bushel 
of parched and pounded corn. In hot weather or cold, in wet^ 
or dry, they carried no tents, and required no fresh food save 
the game of the forest. Such was the Texan Ranger at the 
outbreak of this war, — light in heart, indomitable in courage, 
capable of vast endurance, and sworn in his hatred of In- 
dians and Mexicans. His life was one of continual anxiety 
and surprises which made him alert and watchful. He was 
neither a troubadour nor a crusader, yet his mode of exist- 
ence had charms for multitudes of adventurers. It was 
not disgust with society or disregard of its comforts that 
forced these knights errant to the forest and kept them in a 
state of continual excitement; but there was a certain de- 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 161 

gree of romance in their wandering career that entitled them 
to respect and consideration even from the more sentimental 
inhabitants of cities. A life without restraint, except needr 
ful subordination when on actual duty, is always attractive, 
and the forester realizes it completely. Thinking much and 
speaking little, he considers his officer of no more value or 
importance than himself. Hence he yields obedience only 
because he knows the necessity of discipline in a hazardous 
service, while, off of duty, he is as familiar with his com- 
mander as with a private. 

Thus the Ranger's existence has ever been a scene of fierce 
independence ; and though approaching the ranchero in 
some of his restless habits, he has, nevertheless, always 
been distinguished from that vile compound of ferocity, 
treachery and cruelty, by the remnants of civilization he has 
borne to the solitudes of the wilderness. He was destined 
to be of infinite value to the regular army in a country where 
it was important to obtain information by reckless means 
among an almost Arab population. Subsequent events 
proved that no scouting service was so severe, no adventure 
so dangerous, that he would not risk his life and exercise 
the cunning of his craft in performing it either on the thorny 
banks of the Rio Grande or among the mountain defiles of 
Monterey. 



21 



CHAPTER VI. 



THE BATTLE OF PALO ALTO. 



On the night of the 7th of May, with a force of over two 
thousand men and a supply train of two hundred and fifty 
wagons, General Taylor bivouacked on the plains about 
seven miles from Point Isabel. The whole of the country 
is extremely flat in the neighborhood of the river and on 
the road to Matamoros. In some places, broad thickets 
cover the levels, in others, wide prairies spread out dotted, 
here and there, with bushes and ponds. Early on the 
morning of Friday, the Sth, our camp was broken up and 
the little army set in motion towards the fort. About noon 
the scouts reported that the Mexicans were drawn up in our 
front, covering the road with all their forces ; and as soon, 
therefore, as we reached the broad field of Palo Alto, a halt 
was ordered to refresh our men, and form our line of battle 
with due deliberation. Far across the prairie, at the dis- 
tance of three quarters of a mile, were discerned the glitter- 
ing masses of the enemy. Infantry and cavalry were ranged, 
alternately, on the level field and stretched out for more than 
a mile in length, backed by the wiry limbs of the tall trees 
from which the battle ground has taken its name. The 
left wing, composed of heavy masses of horse, occupied the 
road, resting on a thicket of chapparal, and flanked by ponds, 
while lar^e bodies of infantry were discovered on the right, 
greatly outnumbering our own force and standing somewhat 



BATTLE 

of 

PALO ALTO 

«'!'Mav 1546 



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Kx])huuaioi) 






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^-. ■ - 



m 



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MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 163 

in a curved line, ready, as it were, to embrace our advancing 
columns. 

Orders were directly given on the American side to form 
the array for action. On our extreme right were ranged the 
fifth infantry under Colonel Mcintosh; Major Ringgold's 
artillery; the third infantry commanded by Captain L. M. 
Morris ; two eighteen pounders drawn by twenty yoke of 
oxen and commanded by Lieutenant Churchill, and lastly, 
the fourth infantry under Major Allen. The third and fourth 
regiments, formed the third brigade under Lieutenant Colo- 
nel Garland, and all these corps, together with two squad- 
rons of dragoons led by Ker and May, composed the right 
wing under the orders of Colonel Twiggs. The left was 
composed of a battalion of artillery commanded by Colonel 
Childs, Captain Duncan's light artillery, and the eighth in- 
fantry under Captain Montgomery, — all constituting the first 
brigade under the orders of Lieutenant Colonel Belknap. 
The train, meanwhile, was packed near a pond under the 
direction of Captains Crossman and Myers, and protected 
by the squadron of Ker's dragoons. 

It was about two o'clock in the afternoon that our march 
against the enemy began by heads of columns, whilst the 
eighteen-pounder battery followed slowly along the road. 
During our advance it was deemed especially important 
to ascertain with accuracy the number and calibre of the 
enemy's cannon, and for this hazardous reconnoissance on 
an open plain. Lieutenant Blake, of the topographical engi- 
neers, immediately volunteered. Passing the advanced 
guard at full speed, he dashed over the long grass that con- 
cealed the opposing forces, until he approached within about 
eighty yards of the line where he had a distinct view of the 
enemy. The Mexicans gazed with surprise at this daring 
act, while Blake alighted from his horse, surveyed the whole 



164 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

array with his glass, counting the squadrons and ordnance 
carefully, and then galloped down their front to the other 
wing of their extended line.* 

Scarcely had this gallant officer reported to our general 
when two of the enemy's batteries opened on us vigorously. 
Taylor immediately ordered our columns to halt, and de- 
ploying into line, our artillery returned the fire, whilst the 
eighth infantr}"-, on our extreme left, was thrown back to se- 
cure that flank; — and, thus, with the distance of only seven 
hundred yards between the opposing lines, the battle began 
with rattling voUies of ball and grape bounding over our 
heads. The first fires of the enemy injured us but little, 
while the heavy metal of our eighteen-pounders, and the 
smaller shot of Ringgold's battery, quickly dispersed the 
masses of cavalry on the left. Duncan's battery, supported 
by May's dragoons, was then thrown forward on that flank, 
and for more than an hour the incessant thunder of a can- 
nonade raged along both fronts, making sad gaps in the 
battalions, rending the prairie, filling the air with dust and 
smoke, killing and wounding a few, yet, producing no de- 
cided effect. The Mexicans, unskilled in gunneiy, fired 
without precision; but, at almost every discharge of the 
American ordnance, the shot told with wonderful precision 
among the Mexicans. Our artillery was directed not only 
to masses and groups of the enemy, but often to particular 
men, so that the officers felt as certain of their aim, as if 
firing with rifles. 

* Lieutenant Blake died about the time our fight commenced at Resaca 
de la Palma, on the 9th, from a wound inflicted by one of his own pistols. 
He had thrown his sword, to which his pistols were attached, on the ground 
on entering his tent. One pistol was discharged accidentally in the fall, 
and the ball entered his thigh, but was cut out of his breast. He died three 
hours afterwards. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 165 

Meanwhile our infantry had been hitherto rather specta- 
tors of the artillery's prowess, than active combatants ; but as 
the battle thickened the manoeuvreing of the enemy to out- 
flank us commenced. With infinitely smaller forces than 
the Mexicans, our policy had been to act on the defensive 
as much as possible, and to feel the enemy before we en- 
gaged at closer quarters. Hence we awaited their first 
assault, made by a regiment of Mexican lancers led by 
Torrejon and supported by two pieces of Artillery, which 
threatened our right flank by moving through the chapparal 
in the direction of our train. The fifth infantry was imme- 
diately detached together with a section of Ringgold's bat- 
tery and Walker's Texans, to check this dangerous move- 
ment. The gallant regiment was thrown into a square with 
the Ranger and twenty of his troopers on its right, and thus 
stood ready to repulse the charge. On came the advancing 
squadrons in splendid array, moving in solid masses of men 
and horse, each lance tipped with its gay and fluttering pen- 
non. Ringgold, from his advanced position, galled them as 
they trotted onwai'd ; Ridgely, from his closer ground, poured 
into them rapid voUies of grape and cannister; still they 
surged onward in spite of all resistance. At length, when 
within shot of the impervious square, suddenly, a sheet of 
deadly flame burst from the regiment, and breaking their 
array, forced them to recoil in confusion. Nevertheless the 
daring troop was not dismayed by the carnage. Form- 
ing rapidly from its ruins an imposing mass, again it dashed 
towards the train, until the third infantry on our extreme 
right, under the orders of Colonel Twiggs, crippled its ad- 
vance so completely, that it was impossible to rally. This 
was the last effort of the brave lancers. Repulsed in every 
effort, they began to retreat rapidly but in order; yet Ring- 
gold, Ridgely, and the regiments of infantiy, still hung upon 



166 HISTORY OF THE "WAR BETWEEN 

their flank, and with their terrible discharges of grape and 
bullets, mowed wide openings in the flying ranks until they 
reached their line. Meantime the incessant blaze of our ar- 
tillery had set fire to the withered j^rairie, whose tall grasses 
touched the very muzzles of our guns, and for a while the 
armies were concealed from each other in the mingled smoke 
of the recent battle and of the burning field. 

There was a* pause in the conflict, as if the two comba- 
tants, like gallant boxers, stopped a moment to take breath 
and survey each other with looks of defiance. The enemy's 
left had been driven back in confusion; and, as their can- 
nonade ceased, the road remained free for the advance of 
our eighteen-pounders close to the first position that had 
been occupied by the Mexican cavalry. This was promptly 
ordered by General Taylor who caused the fii'st brigade to 
take a new post on the left of that formidable battery. The 
fifth was also advanced to the extreme right of our new line, 
while the train was moved accordingly to suit the altered 
front. As the battalion of artillery advanced slowly over the 
field it came up to a private of the fifth, a gallant veteran of 
the old world who had escaped the fires of Austerlitz and 
Waterloo to die at Palo Alto. He was one of the first who 
fell in the action, and as his fellow soldiers paused a mo- 
ment to compassionate his sufferings, when they saw the 
blood gushing with each pulsation from his shattered limbs — 
he waved them onward — " Go on companions, regardless 
of me," — shouted he, — "I've got but what a soldier enlists 
for, — strike the enemy; — let me die?" Such were the ex- 
clamations of Napoleon's soldiers, at Marengo, when the 
advancing squadrons of cavalry hesitated to leap over the 
heaps of wounded Frenchmen: "Tread on me comrades; 
make a bridge of my body ! Long live France 1 Vive la 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 167 

liberie!" The romantic fervor of warlike enthusiasm de- 
prives battle of half its horrors, and makes death on the field 
a glorious exit from the sufferings of humanity. 

The movements we made in changing our line were an- 
swered by corresponding alterations of the Mexican front, 
and, after a suspension of action for nearly an hour the bat- 
tle was resumed. The effect of these changes was to edge 
our right flank somewhat nearer Matamoros, and to enable 
our forces to hold the road against the Mexicans who rested 
their lines on the thickets in their rear. 

The attack was recommenced by a destructive fire of ar- 
tillery. Wide openings were continually torn in the ene- 
my's ranks by our marksmen, and the constancy with which 
the Mexican infantry endured the incessant hurricane of shot 
was the theme of universal admiration. Captain May, de- 
tached with his squadron to make a demonstration on the 
left of the enemy, suffered severely from the copper grape 
of the Mexican artillery. Whilst passing the general and his 
staff with his troopers, the enemy concentrated the fire of 
their batteries upon him, killing six of his horses and wound- 
ing five dragoons. Nevertheless he succeeded in gaining 
his desired position in order to charge the cavalry, but 
found the foe in such overwhelming numbers as to render 
utterly ineffectual any assault by his small command. The 
fourth infantry, which had been commanded to support the 
eighteen-pounders, was also exposed to a galling fire by 
which several men were killed and Captain Page mortally 
wounded. The great effort of the Mexicans was to silence 
that powerful batteiy, whose patient oxen had dragged it 
into the midst of the fight. Hence they directed their aim 
almost exclusively upon these tremendous pieces and upon 



168 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

the light artillery of Major Ringgold, who was fatally struck 
by a cannon ball at this period of the conflict.* 

Meanwhile the battalion of artillery under Colonel Childs 
had been brought up to support the artillery on our right, 
and a strong demonstration of cavalry was now made by the 
enemy against this part of our line, while the column con- 
tinued to advance under a severe fire from the eighteen- 
pounders. The battalion was instantly formed into square 
and held ready to receive the charge ; but when the advan- 
cing squadrons were within close range, a storm of canister 
from the eighteen-pounders dispersed them. A rattling dis- 
charge of small arms was then opened upon the square, but 
well aimed voUies from its front soon silenced all further 
efforts of the Mexicans in that quarter. It was now nearly 
dark, and the action terminated on our right, as the enemy 
were completely driven back from their position and foiled in 
every attempt either to break or outflank our gallant lines. 

While these actions were occurring on our right under 
the eye of General Taylor, the Mexicans had made a serious 
attempt against our left. The smoke hung densely over the 
field and bushes so as almost to obscure the armies from 
each other, and under cover of this misty veil and of ap- 
proaching night, the enemy suddenly rushed towards that 
wing and the train with an immense body of cavalry and in- 
fantry under the command of Colonel Montero. The move- 
ment was rapid and daring, but it did not escape the quick 
eye of Duncan, who dashed back with his batteiy to the left 
flank in full view of the enemy and engaged them within 
point blank range of his deadly guns. So sudden and un- 
expected was this gallant manoeuvre to the enemy, who, a mo- 

* Ringgold died the day after the battle, but Page survived some time 
though he was shockingly mangled by the ball vi^hich shot off the lower 
part of his face. 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 169 

ment before, saw this battery disappear in the opposite di- 
rection behind the smoke of the burning prairie, — that their 
whole column halted in amazement before a shot had been 
fired or a gun unlimbered. But they were neither repulsed 
nor dismayed. A strong body of infantry, supported by two 
squadrons of cavalry, debouched from the extreme right of 
the chapparal, and moved steadily forward to attack us. 
One section of Duncan's batteiy began to play upon them 
^vith round shot, shells, and spherical case, so well directed 
that the whole advance, both horse and foot, fell back in 
disorder to the bushes. Meantime the other section opened 
upon the masses of cavalry that halted at the first sight of 
our approaching guns, and although these shots were well 
delivered and each tore a vista through an entire squadron, 
the enemy remained unshaken. At every discharge the 
havoc was frightfully destructive, but the gaps in the Mexi- 
can ranks were immediately closed with fresh horsemen as 
they pressed on to assail us. 

The column of cavalry and infantry, driven back into the 
chapparal by the other section, re-formed in the thicket, and, 
a second time, dauntlessly advanced in order. After it ap- 
proached about a hundred yards from the screen of bushes, 
the section that was previously ordered to repel it, re-opened 
a deadly fire and drove the foe head long into the forest. 
The supporting cavalry rushed back upon the ranks that 
hitherto withstood our shot, and the hurried retreat became 
a perfect rout. Squadron after squadron joined tumultuously 
in the race, and the whole right wing of the Mexicans was 
soon in rapid flight, while our relentless sections continued 
to send their voUies into the broken and scampering columns 
until they disappeared in the chapparal or were lost in the 
darkness of night. Thus ended the brilliant affair of Palo 

Alto. The enemy retired behind a protecting wood, and 
22 



170 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

our army bivouacked on the ground it had won and occupied 
during the protracted fight 

Both parties slept on the battle field. It had been a fierce 
and dreadful passage of arms, yet it was not a decided vic- 
tory. We had repulsed the Mexicans, fatally, in every at- 
tempt ; we had gained a better position, enabling us to press 
onward towards Matamoros, and had inflicted serious injury 
on the foe; but the enemy still rested on their arms and 
seemed disposed to dispute the field with us again on the 
morrow. They were sadly crippled though not defeated, 
and had exhibited a degree of nerve, mettle, and firmness 
that was entirely unexpected from the vanquished soldiery 
of San Jacinto. 

Wearied by the excessive labor of nearly six hours fight- 
ing, our infantry and artillery sank on the ground wherever 
they found a resting place, whilst the alert dragoons circled 
the sleeping camp and rode on their outposts, among heaps 
of the enemy whose dying groans were heard on all sides 
from the thickets to which they had crept. All night long 
the medical staff was busy in its work of mercy, while the 
oflScers who felt the dangerous responsibility of their situa- 
tion collected in groups to discuss their prospects. Some 
were doubtful of success, some anxious to obtain reinforce- 
ments, some full of hope and animation, but all were satis- 
fied that it was prudent to hold a council on the impending 
fortunes. of the army. After a full examination of the diflR- 
culties and a proper display of their resources, the enthu- 
siasm of the young and the experience of the old, alike, 
sanctioned the heroic determination of Taylor to advance 
without succor. This brave resolve reassured the army, and 
all prepared with alacrity and confidence for the dangers of 
the 9th. 



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CHAPTER VII. 

The Battle of Resaca de la Palma — Defence of Fort Brown — 
The Great Western. 

Wlien the sun rose on the morning of the 9th a mist of 
mingled smoke and vapor hung over the battle field of Palo 
Alto, but, as the haze lifted from the levels, the Mexicans 
were perceived retreating by their left flank, in order, per- 
haps, to gain a more advantageous position on the road in 
which they might resist our progress towards Matamoros. 
This movement inspirited our troops, who, craving the in- 
terest of a new position, were loath to repeat the battle of 
yesterday on the same field. Accordingly General Taylor 
ordered the supply train to be parked at its position and left 
under the guard of two twelve-pounders and the fatal eigh- 
teens which had done such signal service on the 8th. The 
wounded men and officers were next despatched to Point 
Isabel, and we then moved across the Llano Burro towards 
the edge of the dense chapparal which extends for a dis- 
tance of seven miles to the Rio Grande. The light compa- 
nies of the first brigade under Captain Smith, of the second 
artillery; and a select detachment of light troops, all com- 
manded by Captain McCall, were thrown forward into the 
thickets to feel the enemy and ascertain the position he 
finally took. 

In our advance we crossed the ground occupied by the 
Mexicans on the 8th where their line had been mowed by our 



172 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

artillery. Shattered limbs, riven skulls, slain and wounded 
horses, dying men, military accoutrements, gun stocks and 
bayonets lay strewn around, the terrible evidences of war 
and havoc. As our men pressed on they encountered, at 
every step, appeals to their humanity, from the famished and 
thirsty remnants of the Mexican army whose wounds did 
not permit them to advance with their compatriots ; but it 
may be recorded to the honor of the troops, that our maimed 
enemies were in no instance left without succor, and that 
officers and men vied with each other in relieving their wants 
and despatching them to our hospitals. 

About three o'clock in the afternoon a report was sent 
from the scouts that the enemy were again in position on the 
road, which they held with at least two. pieces of artillery. 
The command was immediately put in motion, and, about 
an hour after, came up with Captain McCall. 

The field of Palo Alto was an open plain, well adapted 
for the fair fight of a pitched battle, but Resaca de la Palma, 
which we now approached, possessed altogether different 
features. The position was naturally strong, and had been 
judiciously seized by the Mexicans. The matted masses 
of chapparal, sprinkled in spots with small patches of prairie, 
formed an almost impassable barrier on both sides of the 
road along which we were forced to advance. The Resaca 
de la Palma, or. Ravine of the Palm, fifty yards wide and 
nearly breast high, crosses the road at right angles, and 
then bends, at both ends, in the shape of a horse shoe. The 
low portions of the gully are generally filled with water, 
forming long and winding ponds through the prairie, whilst, 
in the rainy season, these pools unite across the ridge which 
forms the road and flow off towards the Rio Grande. Along 
the banks of this ravine the thickets of chapparal, nour- 
ished by the neighboring water, grow more densely than 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 173 

elsewhere, and, at the period of the battle, formed a solid 
wall penetrated only by the highway. 

It was along the edges of this hollow that the Mexicans, 
led by Arista and Ampudia, had posted themselves in two 
lines, — one under the front declivity, and the other en- 
trenched behind the copse of chapparal which shielded the 
bank in the rear. In the centre of each line, on the right 
and left of the road, a battery was placed, whilst other bat- 
teries were disposed so as to assail us in flank. In this 
strongly fortified position, supported by infantry, cavalry and 
ordnance, several thousand Mexicans stood around the 
curving limits of the ravine, ready to rake us with their ter- 
rible cross-fires as w^e advanced by the road between the 
horns of the crescent.* 

It will be perceived,, from this description, that the char- 
acter of the action was essentially changed from the affair 
of the 8th. Almost entrenched as were the Mexicans be- 
hind the ravine and chapparal, they now stood on the de- 
fensive resolutely awaiting our assault, whilst, at Palo Alto, 
they had assumed an offensive attitude, aiming either to 
capture or destroy our army. 

In the passage of our troops between Matamoros and 
Point Isabel, the practiced eye of our military men often re- 
marked the value of this ravine as a point of strength; and 
it had been already supposed that when the enemy halted, 
to resist our march, they would avail themselves of it for a 
battle ground. Hence this excellent position was not un- 
known to General Taylor, and he promptly prepared a com- 
bined attack of infantry, artillery and cavalry- by which he 
might succeed in driving the American army like a wedge, 
through the narrow but only aperture that admitted its transit 
to our fort. 

* Army on the Rio Grande, p. 93, and see plan of the battle. 



174 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

Accordingly, as soon as Captain McCall received his or- 
ders, in the earlier part of the day, he advanced with his 
men, and directed Captain C. F. Smith, of the second ar- 
tillery, with the light company of the first brigade, to move 
to the right of the road, whilst he proceeded on the left with 
a detachment of artillery and infantry. Walker and a small 
force of rangers was despatched to make a hazardous 
reconnoissance of the road in front, while Lieutenant Ple- 
santon, with a few of the second dragoons, marched in rear 
of the columns of infantry. 

After following the trail of the enemy for about two miles 
and a half across the Llano Burro, and learning from Walker 
that the road was clear, McCall pushed the rangers into the 
chapparal, within supporting distance, and soon dislodged 
some parties of Mexicans. On reaching the open ground 
near Resaca, the head of his column received three rounds 
of canister from a masked battery, which forced his men to 
take cover, after killing one private and wounding two ser- 
geants. They rapidly rallied however, and Captain Smith's 
detachment being brought to the left of the road, it was pro- 
posed to attack by a flank movement, what, at the moment, 
was supposed to be only the rear guard of the retiring army. 
But after a q\iick examination of the field by Dobbins and 
McCoun, who discovered large bodies of Mexicans in mo- 
tion on our left, while the road, in front, was held by lan- 
cers, McCall resolved to despatch three dragoons to the 
commander in chief wdth the news and await his arrival. 

It was about four o'clock in the afternoon that General 
Taylor came up with the skirmishers and received an exact 
report of the enemy's position. Lieutenant Ridgely, who, 
upon the Major's fall, had succeeded to the command of 
Ringgold's battery, was immediately ordered to advance on 
the highway, while the fifth infantry and one wing of the 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 175 

fourth were thrown into the chapparal with McCall's com- 
mand on the left, at the same time that the third and the 
other wing of the fourth entered the thicket on the right with 
Smith's detachment. These corps were employed to cover 
the batter}^, to act as skirmishers, and engage the Mexi- 
can infantry. The action, at once became general, spirited 
and bloody, for although the enemy's infantry gave way be- 
fore the steady fire and resistless progress of our own, yet 
his artillery was still in position to check our advance by 
means of the fatal pieces which commanded the pass through 
the ravine. 

This was the moment, however, when the centre was des- 
tined to be penetrated and broken — Ridgely, as has been 
stated, had been ordered to the road, and, after advancing 
cautiously for a short distance, he descried the enemy about 
four hundred yards in advance. Pressing onward until 
within perfect range of his guns he began to play upon the 
foe with deadly discharges. But the resolute Mexicans 
were not to be repulsed. Returning shot for shot, their 
grape surged through our battery in eveiy direction, yet 
without repulsing the intrepid Ridgely, who, as soon as the 
opposing fire slackened, limbered up and moved rapidly for- 
ward, never unlimbering unless he perceived the enemy in 
front or found from the fire of their infantry that they still 
hung upon his flank. During this fierce advance into the 
jaws of the Mexican crescent, he frequently threw into it 
discharges of canister when not over one hundred yards 
from the opposing batteries and their support. 

After hammering the centre for some time with this iron 
hail, and keeping the wings of the Mexicans engaged with 
the other troops, a movement with dragoons was planned 
for the final onslaught. May, with his powerful corps, was 
directed to report to the general, and immediately received 



176 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

orders from Taylor to charge the enemy's battery. Thrid- 
ding the mazes of the chapparal and of the road with his 
dense squadron he came up with Ridgely, and halting a mo- 
ment while that gallant soldier poured a volley into the 
enemy, which was answered by a shower of rattling grape, 
he dashed at the head of his troopers, like lightning from 
the midst of the cloud of smoke, over the guns of the aston- 
ished Mexicans. As the dragoons rushed at full tilt, with 
gleaming swords, along the road, the artillerists leaped upon 
their pieces and cheered them on. The infantiy in the 
chapparal took up the shout, and before the combined thun- 
der of cannon, huzzas, and galloping cavaliy had died away. 
May and his troopers had charged through the seven oppos- 
ing pieces, and rose again on the heights in rear of the 
ravine. Graham, Winship and Pleasanton led the move- 
ment on the left of the road, whilst the captain, with Inge, 
Stevens and Sackett, bore off to the right. But, after gain- 
ing the elevation, only six dragoons could be rallied, and 
with these May charged back upon the gunners who had 
regained their pieces, drove them off, and took prisoner the 
brave La Vega who stood to his unwavering artillery during 
the heat of the dreadful onslaught. 

Meanwhile Ridgely, as soon as May had passed him, 
followed the charge at a gallop, only halting on the edge of 
the ravine where he found three pieces of deserted artillery. 
Here the Mexican infantry poured into him a galling fire at 
a distance of not more than fifty paces, and a most despe- 
rate and murderous struggle ensued, for the charge of ca- 
valry had not been promptly sustained by the infantiy in 
consequence of the difficulty it experienced in struggling 
through the masses of chapparal. It was about this time 
that the eighth regiment was encountered by May who in- 
formed Colonel Belknap of the exploit which had been ren- 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 177 

dered almost unavailing for want of supporting infantry. 
Belknap promptly ordered the regiment to form on the road 
with a part of the fifth, whence, it was impetuously charged 
on the enemy's guns. This admirable assault was executed 
with the greatest celerity; the battery was secured; the in- 
fantry sprang across the ravine amidst a sheet of fire from 
front and right, and drove the supporting column before it, 
destroying in vast numbers the troops that pertinaciously 
resisted until forced headlong from the fatal hollow. Mont- 
gomery with his regiment pursued the Mexicans vigorously 
into the chapparal on the opposite side of the Resaca until 
from their rapid flight, further attempts were utterly useless. 

Thus was the centre of the enemy's lines completely 
broken. The task would be endless were I to recount the 
valiant deeds of the American and Mexican wings in the 
thickets on the right and left of the road. It was a short 
but severe onset, disputed on both sides, with an intrepidity 
that resembled rather the bitterness of a personal conflict 
than a regular battle. The nature of the ground among the 
groves was such as to forbid any thing but close quarters 
and the use of the bayonet, knife, or sword. Officers and 
men fought side by side, supporting more than leading each 
other upon the opposing ranks. Bayonets were crossed, 
swords clashed, stalwart arms held foes at bay, and Ameri- 
can and Mexican rolled side by side on the blood stained 
earth. 

I have dwelt upon the action in the centre because it con- 
trolled the road, dispersed the foe and won the day; but the 
effort would be invidious v/ere I to relate instances of indi- 
vidual hardihood and skill, when all the valiant actors in the 
drama were fearless and unfaltering. The charge of May 
was not unlike the assault at Waterloo of Ponsonby's victo- 
rious cavalry, supported by Vandeleur's light horse, upon the 
23 



178 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

twenty- four pieces of D'Erlon's battery; in regard to which 
Napoleon was heard to exclaim, in the heat of the battle, — 
"How terribly those gray horsemen fight!" But in that 
conflict, Frenchmen opposed the Anglo-saxons, and Mil- 
haud's steel clad curiassiers, charging Ponsonby's brigade 
after it had carried the guns and attacked even a third line 
of artillery and lancers, readily overcame the exhausted 
troopers and slew their gallant leader. 

At Resaca de la Palma, however the result was different. 
The artillery battalion, which, with the exception of the flank 
companies, had been ordered to guard the train on the morn- 
ing of the 9th, was now ordered up to pursue the routed en- 
emy ; and the third infantry, Ker's dragoons and Duncan's 
battery followed the Mexicans rapidly to the river. Shout- 
ing, singing, almost frantic with delight at their eminent suc- 
cess, our men rushed after the flying Mexicans. The pur- 
suit became a perfect rout as they pressed on to the banks of 
the Rio Grande, and numbers of the enemy were drowned in 
attempting the passage of the fatal stream. The pursuing 
corps encamped near the Rio Grande, while the remainder 
of the army rested for the night on the field of battle. The 
want of a ponton train* prevented us from following the foe 
across the river on the night of the 9th ; but, as the govern- 
ment had failed to provide General Taylor with that use- 
ful equipage, notwithstanding his frequent warnings of its 
need, he was deprived of the first chance in this war to an- 
nihilate the Mexican army and to seize all the arms and 
ammunition collected in Matamoros. The capture, how- 
ever, of Arista's camp and its equipage was a recompense 

* In May 1846, after these battles, an act of Congress was finally passed 
authorising the organization of a company of sappers, miners and ponto- 
niers. The war department had not the right to form such a corps pre- 
vious to this enactment. 



I 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 179 

for our men who had fought so bravely. The Mexican 
chief had gone into the campaign with every comfort around 
him, and was evidently unprepared for defeat at Resaca de 
La Palma, for, at the moment of our victory, his camp-ket- 
tles were found simmering over the fires filled with viands 
from which he had doubtless designed to make a savory 
meal after our capture. The food however was destined to 
other uses ; and, after a communication with the fort which 
held out staunchly against the enemy during both contests, 
our men sat down to enjoy the repast which the Mexicans 
had cooked. 

Unable as we were to secure the best results of victory, 
from the cause already narrated, these battles were, never- 
theless, of great importance. We had achieved success in 
the face of brave foes outnumbering us more than two to 
one, and had conquered an army of Mexican veterans, per- 
fectly equipped and appointed. In the battle of Palo Alto 
our force, engaged, had been one hundred and seventy-seven 
oflicers, two thousand one hundred and eleven men, or an 
aggregate of two thousand two hundred and eighty-eight ; — 
in the action of Resaca de la Palma we brought into the 
field one hundred and seventy-three officers and two thou- 
sand and forty nine men, or, an aggregate of two thousand 
two hundred and twenty-two, while the actual number en- 
gaged with the enemy did not exceed seventeen hundred. 
In the first affair we had nine killed, forty-four wounded* 
and two missing; but in the second, our loss was three offi- 
cers and thirty-six men killed, and seventy-one wounded. 
Lieutenant Inge fell at the head of his platoon while charging 
with May ; Lieutenants Cochrane and Chadburne likewise 

* Page and Ringgold died subsequently 



180 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

met their death in the thickest of the fight ; while Lieuten- 
ant Colonels Payne and Mcintosh ; Captains Montgomery 
and Hooe ; and Lieutenants Fowler, Dobbins, Gates, Jor- 
dan, Selden, Maclay, Burbank and Morris, were wounded 
on the field of Resaca de la Palma. 

The Mexican army, under Arista and Ampudia, amounted 
to at least six thousand men, having been strongly reinforced 
with cavalry and infantry after the battle of the 8th; and it 
is highly probable that the whole of this force was opposed 
to us in their choice position. In one of his despatches, 
after the battles, Arista confesses that he still had under 
arms four thousand troops exclusive of numerous auxiliaries, 
and that he lost in the affair at Palo Alto four officers and 
ninety-eight men killed ; — eleven officers and one hundred 
and sixteen men wounded, and twenty-six privates and non- 
commissioned officers missing ; — while in the battle of Re- 
saca de la Palma, six officers and one hundred and fifty-four 
men were slain ; twenty-three officers and two hundred 
and five wounded, and three officers and one hundred and 
fifty-six missing, — making a total loss of seven hundred 
and fifty-five. Eight pieces of artillery, several colors and 
standards, a great number of prisoners, including fourteen 
officers, and a large quantity of camp equipage, muskets, 
small arms, mules, horses, pack-saddles, subsistence, person- 
al baggage, and private as well as regimental papers, fell into 
our hands. The plan of campaign, as alleged to have been 
developed by Arista's port-folio, was based upon the "re- 
conquest of the lost province," into which the Mexican 
forces were to have been pushed as soon as our army -was 
demolished on the Rio Grande. If it should be necessary 
to secure the fruits of victory by further military efforts, it 
was arranged that ample reinforcements were to be brought 
into the field, and subsequently that President Paredes, 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 181 

himself, should march an army of occupation into Texas 
and bear his conquering eagles to the Sabine ! 

After this narrative of our actions in the field let us recur 
for a moment to the gallant garrison which had been shut 
up in the fort since the beginning of the month, and in re- 
gard to whose fate the liveliest anxiety was experienced. 

When the commander-in-chief departed on the 1st of 
May to open the line of communication with Point Isabel, 
prevent an attack upon the depot, and, finally, to succor the 
fort with subsistence and munitions, the field work, though 
capable of defence, was not completed. The events of the 
few preceding days had denoted a resolution on the part of 
the Mexicans to assail us immediately, and warned our 
small garrison to prepare for all emergencies. Accordingly 
the labor of ditching and embanking on the unfinished front 
was resumed; but neither the draw-bridge nor the interior 
defences were .yet commenced, and to all these works, 
Mansfield, with his engineers and detachments of infantry, 
devoted themselves unceasingly during the whole of the 
bombardment, which began at day-break, on Sunday, the 
3d of May. 

The Mexicans had been engaged for some time erecting 
fortifications along the river front of their town opposite 
our field work, and by this time had prepared them for ac- 
tion. They commenced their attack from the fort and mor- 
tar battery called La redonda, which they had placed under 
the orders of a French oflficer of artillery, who manifested a 
perfect knowledge of his profession during the conflict. 
Nine pieces of ordnance, — four mortars, and the remainder 
six and eight-pounders, — poured into our works an inces- 
sant shower of shot and shells ; but our batteries returned 
the fire so effectually, that in thirty minutes. La redonda was 



182 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

abandoned. Passing from this fortification to another lower 
down, the enemy again opened upon us from Lafortina de 
lajlecha, as well as from intermediate batteries and a mor- 
tar in their vicinity. It soon became evident that our six- 
pounders produced no serious effects in consequence of the 
distance; and, desiring to husband his resources for greater 
emergencies, Major Brown ordered the firing to cease en- 
tirely on our side of the river. The garrison had been left 
with only one hundred and fifty rounds of ammunition for 
each eighteen-pounder while the six-pounders were as badly 
provided ! 

The silence of our guns in the presence of an assailing 
foe, disheartened our men for an instant, but they immedi- 
ately betook themselves energetically to their task on the 
defences, though the enemy's shells exploded in every di- 
rection about them. On the 4th the Mexicans again re- 
sumed the fight and continued their vollies until midnight. 
At nine o'clock on that evening irregular discharges of 
musketry were heard in our rear apparently extending a 
mile up the river, and continuing until near the termination 
of the cannonade. Every soldier in the fort therefore stood 
to his arms all night long, manning each battery and point 
of defence in expectation of an assault from the forces that 
had crossed the river and filled the adjacent plains and 
thickets. But the anxious night passed without an attack 
at close quarters, and, at day-light, on the 5th, the enemy 
again commenced their fire from the distant batteries. The 
sound of war was gratifying to the Mexicans, but its con- 
flicts were safer from behind the walls and parapets of their 
forts, with an intervening river, than in dangerous charges 
against the muzzles of our guns ! As soon as the cannonade 
re-commenced, it was immediately returned by a few dis- 
charges from the eighteen-pounders and six-pounder-howit- 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 183 

zer; and the voice of our guns once more exhilarated the 
men, though their shots were ineffectual. Both batteries 
ceased firing simultaneously, and our indefatigable soldiers 
again set to work on the defences, completed the ramparts, 
and made rapid progress in the construction of a bomb-proof 
and traverse in rear of the postern. 

These were anxious days and hours for a garrison short 
of ammunition, assailed by an enemy equipped with every 
species of deadly missile, probably surrounded by superior 
numbers concealed on the left bank of the river, and yet 
forced to labor on the very fortifications which were to keep 
off the foe. During all this time, however, no one desponded. 
Day and night they toiled incessantly on the works amid the 
shower of shot and bombs, nor was a sound of sorrow heard 
within the little fort until its brave commander fell, mortally 
wounded by a shell, on the 6th of May. The game was 
kept up during all this day; mounted men were seen along 
the prairie, while infantry were noticed creeping through the 
thickets ; but a few rounds of canister, from Bragg's battery, 
dispersed the assailants. 

About four o'clock of this day a white flag was observed 
at some old buildings in the rear of our work, and a parley 
was sounded by the enemy. Two officers were soon de- 
scried approaching us, and an equal number were despatched 
by Captain Hawkins, (who had succeeded Major Brown in 
the command of the fort,) to meet them within two hundred 
and fifty yards of our lines. A communication from General 
Arista was delivered by the herald, and the Mexicans were 
requested to retire a short distance and await the reply. 

In this document Arista declared that our fort was sur- 
rounded by forces adequate to its capture, while a numerous 
division, encamped in the neighborhood, was able to keep 
off all succors that might be expected. He alleged that his 



184 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

respect for humanity urged him to mitigate as much as pos- 
sible the disasters of war, and he therefore summoned our 
garrison to surrender, in order to avoid by capitulation, the 
entire destruction of the command. This mingled mission 
of humanity and revenge demanded the immediate notice of 
our troops, and, accordingly, a brief council was held in 
which it was unanimously resolved to decline the philan- 
thropic proposal. Hawkins, at once despatched his cour- 
teous but firm reply, and the enemy acknowledged its re- 
ceipt by a storm of shot and shell which was literally show- 
ered into the works. 

It would be but repeating a narrative of one day's scene? 
were we to detail the events of the 7th, 8th and 9th of May, 
The bravado contained in Arista's despatch, had failed 
in its effort to intimidate us; nevertheless we were com- 
pelled to undergo the severest task that a soldier can suffer 
in passive non-resistance, whilst the enemy, from afar, strove 
to bury our fort under the weight of their projectiles. Bombs 
and shot were, however, unavailing. The defences proved 
equal to our perfect protection ; and all continued to work 
cheerfully in the trenches until the distant sounds of battle 
were heard booming from Palo Alto and Resaca. Anxiety 
was dispelled, and hope ripened into certainty as the can- 
nonade grew louder and drew nearer the river, until, at last, 
on the evening of the ninth, the Mexican squadrons raced 
past the fort and received the reserved shot of the eighteens 
which poured their masses of grape among the flying 
groups. As our pursuing forces rushed out from behind the 
thickets and beheld the American flag still aloft in the works, 
they sent forth a cheer which was answered by the rejoicing 
garrison, and the valley of the Rio Grande reverberated with 
the exultation of delight. Victory and relief; a routed foe 
and succored friends, enlivened every heart, and even the 



MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 185 

foremost and bitterest in pursuit halted a moment to ex- 
change congratulations upon the events of the glorious day. 
Thus the separate forces of the United States were again 
brought together; and Fort Brown, — which now received 
its name from the brave Major who died on the 9th, — was 
found to have lost but two by death and only fourteen 
wounded during the whole bombardment. 

Every war produces its singular characters whose influ- 
ence or example are not without their due effect upon the 
troops, and, at the conclusion of these chapters, which are 
so stained with blood and battle, it may not be useless to 
sketch, even upon the grave page of history, the deeds of a 
woman whose courageous spirit bore her through all the 
trials of this bombardment, but whose masculine hardihood 
was softened by the gentleness of a female heart. Woman 
has every where her sphere of power over the rougher sex, 
but the women of a camp must possess qualities to which 
their tender sisters of the saloon are utter strangers. 

Some years ago, in the far west, a good soldier joined 

one of our regiments, with his tall and gaunt wife, whose 

lofty figure and stalwart frame almost entitled her as much 

as her husband to a place in the ranks of the gallant seventh. 

Unwilling to abandon her liege lord upon his enlistment, 

this industrious female was immediately employed as one of 

the laundresses, three of whom are allowed to draw rations 

in each company, and are required to wash for the soldiers 

at a price regulated by a council of officers. The "Great 

Western," — for by this soubriquet was she known in the 

army, — arrived' at Corpus Christi with her husband, and up 

to the period of our departure for the Rio Grande performed 

all her appropriate duties, keeping, in addition, a "mess" 

for the younger officers of the regiment. When the army 
24 



186 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

advanced, the women, with some exceptions, were de- 
spatched by sea to Point Isabel, while a few procured po- 
nies to follow the soldiers in their tedious march. The hus- 
band of the Great Western was sent in one of the transports 
to the Brazos, but his hardy spouse did not deign to accom- 
pany him in this comfortable mode of transit, declaring that 
" the boys of her mess must have some one to take care of 
them on their toilsome march." Accordingly, having pur- 
chased a cart and loaded it with luggage, cooking utensils, 
and supplies, she mounted behind her donkey with whip in 
handj and displayed during the wearisome advance, quali- 
ties which the best teamster in the train might have envied. 
Throughout the whole journey she kept her boarders well 
provided with excellent rations; and, when her brigade 
reached the banks of the Colorado she was one of the first 
who offered to cross in the face of the resisting enemy. 
After calmly surveying the scene, which has been described 
in another chapter, she remarked, with great coolness, that 
"if the general would give her a stout pair of tongs she 
would wade the river and whip every scoundrel Mexican 
that dared show his face on the opposite side!" 

When Taylor marched to Point Isabel on the 1st of May, 
the Great Western was of course left behind with the sev- 
enth infantry. Together with the eight or ten women who 
remained, she moved, at once into the fort, where her mess 
was soon re-established in a tent near the centre of the 
works. The enemy's fire began on the 3d, as she was 
commencing her preparations for breakfast, and the women 
were, of course, immediately deposited for safety in the 
almost vacant magazines. But it may be recorded to their 
honor that they were not idle during the siege. Nobly did 
they ply their needles in preparing sand bags from the soldiers' 
and officers' tents, to strengthen the works and protect the 



(MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES, 187 

artillerists whilst serving at their guns; yet, the Great Wes- 
tern, declining either to sew or to nestle in the magazine, 
continued her labors over the fire in the open air. After the 
discharge of the first gun all were at their posts, answering 
the shot from the Mexican forts; and, when the hour for 
breakfast arrived, none expected the luxury that awaited 
thera. Nevertheless the mess was as well attended as if 
nothing but a morning drill, with blank cartridges, had oc- 
curred, and, in addition, a large supply of delicious coffee 
awaited the thirsty, who had but to come and partake, with- 
out distinction of rank. To some of the artillerists who 
were unable to leave their guns, the beverage was carried 
by this excellent female; and, as may readily be believed, no 
belle of Orleans, ever met a more gracious reception. The 
fire of the artillery was kept up almost incessantly until near 
the dinner hour, when the Great Western again provided a 
savory soup which she distributed to the men without 
charge. 

Thus did she continue to fulfil her duties during the seven 
days that the enemy kept up an incessant cannonade and 
bombardment. She was ever to be found at her post; her 
meals were always ready at the proper hour, and always of 
the best that the camp afforded. When the despatches, sent 
by Walker, were made up for General Taylor on the even- 
ing of the 4th, a number of officers and men wrote to their 
friends at Point Isabel ; and among them this courageous 
woman found time to communicate with her husband who 
had not been despatched from the depot to Fort Brown. 
In this document she expressed her full confidence in the 
ability of the garrison to sustain itself, and only regretted 
the absence of her spouse. To supply his place, however, 
she applied, early in the action, for a musket and ammuni- 
tion which she placed in security, expressing her determina- 



188 HISTORY OP THE WAR BETWEEN 

tion to have full satisfaction whenever the enemy dared to 
approach within range of her piece. This they never did, 
and our indomitable heroine must rest contented with the 
reflection that she nobly performed her duty, and will long 
be remembered by the besieged garrison of Fort Brown. 

Note. — The reader who desires to verify the accounts of the actions nar- 
rated in the two last chapters, will find all the authentic papers upon which 
they are founded, in the national documents relative to the war published 
during the two sessions of the twenty-ninth congress. 

It will be observed that the name of General Worth does not occur in the 
account of these recent transactions on the Rio Grande. This excellent 
soldier had left Florida in September, 1845, and was early on the ground 
at Corpus Christi in command of the first brigade consisting of one artil- 
lery battalion and the eighth regiment of infantry. His march and acts on 
the Rio Grande have been recounted in the preceding chapters ; but soon 
after nis arrival he received the mortifying intelligence that he had been 
superceded in rank by an arrangement announced from the war depart- 
ment. He, therefore, deemed it due to himself as an officer to demonstrate 
his sensibility by resigning at once, especially as he was convinced that 
there would be no engagement between the armies, and that the war would 
be concluded by despatches and bulletins instead of arms. Nevertheless 
he left the American camp with regret, (tendering his services " out cf 
authority," to the general in command,) and travelled v/ith despatch to 
Washington. On arriving there he learned that hostilities had actually 
commenced ; and waiving all his personal feeling, he immediately with- 
drew his resignation, with a request for permission to return forthwith to 
the command of the troops from which he was separated, by army orders, 
in April, 1846. His wish was granted by the secretary of war as soon as 
it was made known on the 9th of May, and Worth hastened back to Mexi- 
co, where his bravery and skill were subsequently so conspicuous. — See 
Niles's Register, vol. 70, p. 313. 



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